THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

DAVIS 


ATHEN^UM  PORTRAIT,  BY   GILBERT   STUART 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON 


BY 

WOODROW   WILSON 

ILLUSTRATED 

BY  HOWARD  PYLE,  HARRY   FENN 
AND  OTHERS 


NEW   YORK  AND   LONDON 

HARPER    &    BROTHERS    PUBLISHERS 
1898 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CAUFORMA 

DAV13 


Copyright,  1896,  by  HARPER  & 


All  Tights  reserved. 


TO 

E.  A  W. 

WITHOUT   WHOSE    SYMPATHY    AND    COUNSEL 

LITERARY    WORK    WOULD    LACK 

INSPIRATION 


CONTENTS 


CHAP.  PAGE 

I.  IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY     ....         3 

II.  A  VIRGINIAN  BREEDING 45 

III.  COLONEL  WASHINGTON      ......         .....  69 

IV.  MOUNT  VERNON  DAYS 99 

V.  THE  HEAT  OF  POLITICS 117 

VI.  PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION 153 

VII.  GENERAL  WASHINGTON 179 

VIII.  THE  STRESS  OF  VICTORY  .     .' 213 

IX.  FIRST  IN  PEACE 233 

X.  THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.     .     .     .  265 

INDEX  .  .  315 


ILLUSTKATIONS 


ATHEN.EUM   PORTRAIT,  BY   GILBERT  STUART Frontispiece 

TAILPIECE Page  ix 

HEADPIECE "  3 

A  VIRGINIA  PLANTATION   WHARF Facing  p.  6 

"EVEN  SIR  WILLIAM  BERKELEY  SAW  HE  MUST  YIELD"  "  14 

GEORGE   WASHINGTON "  18 

TIDE- WATER,  VIRGINIA,  1738   (MAP) "  22 

WILLIAM   BYRD "  26 

"THEY  READ  ONLY  UPON  OCCASION,  WHEN  THE  WEATH 
ER  DARKENED" "  30 

JAMES  BLAIR "  34 

ALEXANDER   SPOTSWOOD "  38 

VIEW  OP   THE   POTOMAC   FROM   THE   SITE  OF   THE   HOUSE 

WHERE   WASHINGTON   WAS  BORN .  "  40 

FACSIMILE  OF  THE  ENTRY  OF  WASHINGTON'S  BIRTH  .      .      .  Page  41 

THOMAS,  SIXTH  LORD  FAIRFAX Facing  p.  48 

MOUNT  VKRNON  AT  THE  PRESENT  DAY "  52 

THE  POTOMAC  FROM  MOUNT  VERNON "  56 

LAWRENCE  WASHINGTON "  58 

FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH  IN  NORTH  AMERICA,  1755  (MAP)  "  60 

WASHINGTON'S  RETREAT  FROM  GREAT  MEADOWS  ...  "  76 

GENERAL  EDWARD  BRADDOCK "  82 

BRADDOCK'S  FIGHT  IN  THE  ROAD- "  86 

THE  BURIAL  OF  BRADDOCK "  90 

WASHINGTON   AND   MARY  PHILIPSE "  92 

TAILPIECE Page  95 

LEAVING    MOUNT    VERNON    FOR    THE    CONGRESS    OF    THE 

COLONIES Facing  p.  100 

"THE  WHITE  HOUSE,"  ON  THE  PAMUNKEY "  104 

THE  OLD  CAPITOL  AT  WILLIAMSBCRG  .  "  106 


viii  ILLUSTRATIONS 

GREENWAY    COURT,    VIRGINIA,    LORD    FAIRFAX'S    FOREST 

SEAT Facing  p.  108 

GUNSTON    HALL.  THE   HOME   OF   GEORGE   MASON.       .       .      .  .       '  "  110 
WILLIAM   AND    MARY    COLLEGE,   WILLIAMSBURG,   AT    THE 

PRESENT  DAY "  H2 

TAZEWELL   HALL,  THE   HOME   OF  THE    RANDOLPHS.       .     ) 
WILLIAM   AND  MARY  COLLEGE,  FROM   AN   OLD  PRINT  .     f 

PEYTON   RANDOLPH     .      . "  132 

GEORGE  MASON "  136 

IN  THE  OLD  RALEIGH   TAVERN "  146 

TAILPIECE ...    .     Page  149 

WASHINGTON,  FROM  A  PORTRAIT  BY  REMBRANDT  PEALE   Facing  p.  158 

CARPENTER'S  HALL,  PHILADELPHIA .        "  166 

MRS.  WASHINGTON'S  ARRIVAL  AT  HEADQUARTERS,  CAM 
BRIDGE "  184 

FORT  HUNTINGTON,  VALLEY  FORGE     .......        "  196 

WASHINGTON'S  HEADQUARTERS  AT  VALLEY  FORGE    .     .        "  198 

WASHINGTON  AND  STEUBEN  AT  VALLEY  FORGE    ...        ''  200 

THE  ESCAPE  OF  ARNOLD "  208 

TAILPIECE Page  209 

THE  BUST   BY   ECKSTEIN Facing  p.  218 

JOHN  PARKE  CUSTIS,  JR .            "  222 

FRAUNCE'S  TAVERN,  NEW  YORK  .  .  .  .  •  .  .  .  .  .    %i  226 

TAILPIECE      .  '    .  "•'.      ...'•.'.      .      .     ..""    /•    .....     Page  229 

LOWER  BRANDON,   NORTH   FRONT       .      .      .   '   .      .      .      .      .    Facing  p.  234 
KENMORE,  THE  HOME  OF  MRS.  BETTY  WASHINGTON  LEWIS, 

FREDERICKSBURG "  236 

WASHINGTON  IN  THE  GARDEN   AT  MOUNT   VERNON.       .      .            "  238 
WASHINGTON    BRINGING    HIS    MOTHER   INTO    THE    BALL 
ROOM,  FREDERICKSBURG "  240 

SAMPLE  PIECES   OF  THE  FAMOUS  CINCINNATI  DINNER- 
SET     . 

246 

REMAINS    OF    A    TEA-SET    BELONGING    TO    MRS.   WASH-    ' 

INGTON ;      .      .      . 

THE   MARY   WASHINGTON   HOUSE,  FREDERICKSBURG      .      .            "  250 

MONTPELIER,  THE    HOME    OF  MADISON.       ...      .      .      /           "  256 

MUSTERED  OUT — A  REST   ON   THE    WAY   HOME     ....            "  260 

TAILPIECE Page  262 

THOMSON,    THE    CLERK    OF    CONGRESS,    ANNOUNCING    TO 
WASHINGTON,  AT   MOUNT  VERNON,  HIS    ELECTION  TO 

THE  PRESIDENCY       .      .      .      .      .      .   S      .      .      .      .      .    Facing  p.  266 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


IX 


GOVERNMENT  HOUSE,  AT  THE  BATTERY,  NEW  YORK,  1790    Facing  p.    268 
THE  FIRST  PRESIDENTIAL  MANSION,  NEW  YORK      .      .     ) 

WASHINGTON  MANSION,  PHILADELPHIA ) 

WASHINGTON,  AFTER  A  PAINTING  BY   SAVAGE    ....  "  276 

AVASUINGTON   LAMPS "  280 

CONGRESS  HALL,  1790-1800 "  282 

ELEANOR  PARKE   CUSTIS "  286 

WASHINGTON   AND  NELLY  CUSTIS "  300 

DEATH  OF  WASHINGTON "  304 

ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  THE   DEATH   OF  WASHINGTON       .      .  "  306 

HANOVER  COURT-HOUSE ) 

THE    OLD  TOMB,   MOUNT  VERNON ) 

TAILPIECE Page  314 


WASHINGTON'S  DAY 


CHAPTER  I 


EOKGE  WASHINGTON  was  bred  a 
gentleman  and  a  man  of  honor 
in  the  free  school  of  Virginian 
society,  with  the  generation  that 
first  learned  what  it  meant  to 
maintain  English  communities  in 
America  in  safety  and  a  self-respect 
ing  independence.  He  was  born  in 
a  season  of  quiet  peace,  when  the 
plot  of  colonial  history  was  thickening  noiselessly  and 
almost  without  observation.  He  came  to  his  first  man 
hood  upon  the  first  stir  of  revolutionary  events ;  caught 
in  their  movement,  he  served  a  rough  apprenticeship 


•- 


4  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

in  arms  at  the  thick  of  the  French  and  Indian  war; 
the  ^Revolution  found  him  a  leader  and  veteran  iri 
affairs  at  forty -four;  every  turn  of  fortune  confirmed 
him  in  his  executive  habit  of  foresight  and  mastery ; 
death  spared  him,  stalwart  and  commanding,  until, 
his  rising  career  rounded  and  complete,  no  man  doubt 
ed  him  the  first  character  of  his  age.  "Virginia  gave 
us  this  imperial  man,"  and  with  him  a  companion 
race  of  statesmen  and  masters  in  affairs.  It  was  her 
natural  gift,  the  times  and  her  character  being  what 
they  were;  and  Washington's  life  showed  the  whole 
process  of  breeding  by  which  she  conceived  so  great  a 
generosity  in  manliness  and  public  spirit. 

The  English  colonies  in  America  lay  very  tranquil  in 
1732,  the  year  in  which  Washington  was  born.  It  fell 
in  a  season  betweentimes,  when  affairs  lingered,  as  if 
awaiting  a  change.  The  difficulties  and  anxieties  of 
first  settlement  were  long  ago  past  and  done  with  in  all 
the  principal  colonies.  They  had  been  hardening  to 
their  "  wilderness  work,"  some  of  them,  these  hundred 
years  and  more.  England  could  now  reckon  quite  six 
hundred  thousand  subjects  upon  the  long  Atlantic  sea 
board  of  the  great  continent  which  had  lain  remote  and 
undiscovered  through  so  many  busy  ages,  until  daring 
sailors  hit  upon  it  at  last  amidst  the  stir  of  the  ad 
venturous  fifteenth  century ;  and  there  was  no  longer 
any  thought  that  her  colonists  would  draw  back  or 
falter  in  what  they  had  undertaken.  They  had  grown 
sedate  even  and  self-poised,  with  somewhat  of  the  air 
of  old  communities,  as  they  extended  their  settlements 
upon  the  coasts  and  rivers  and  elaborated  their  means 
of  self  -  government  amidst  the  still  forests,  and  each 
had  already  a  bearing  and  character  of  its  own.  'Twas 


IN   WASHINGTON'S  DAY  5 

easy  to  distinguish  the  New-Englander  from  the  man 
of  the  southern  colonies;  and  the  busy  middle  prov 
inces  that  stretched,  back  from  the  great  bay  at  New- 
York  and  from  the  waters  of  the  spreading  Delaware 
had  also  a  breed  of  their  own,  like  neither  the  men  of 
the  south  nor  the  men  of  the  northeast.  Each  region 
had  bred  for  itself  its  characteristic  communities,  hold 
ing  their  own  distinctive  standards,  knowing  their  own 
special  purposes,  living  their  own  lives  with  a  certain 
separateness  and  independence. 

Virginia,  the  oldest  of  the  colonies,  was  least  to  be 
distinguished  by  any  private  character  of  her  own  from 
the  rural  communities  of  England  herself.  Her  popula 
tion  had  come  to  her  almost  without  selection  through 
out  every  stage  of  quick  change  and  troubled  fortune 
that  England  had  seen  during  the  fateful  days  since 
James  Stuart  became  king;  and  Englishmen  in  Vir 
ginia  were  in  no  way  radically  distinguishable  from 
Englishmen  in  England,  except  that  they  were  provin 
cials  and  frontiersmen.  They  had  their  own  tasks  and 
ways  of  life,  indeed,  living,  as  they  did,  within  the  old 
forests  of  a  virgin  continent,  upon  the  confines  of  the 
world.  But  their  tastes  and  temperament,  spite  of 
change  and  seclusion,  they  had  in  common  with  Eng 
lishmen  at  home.  They  gave  leave  to  their  opinions, 
too,  with  a  like  downright  confidence  and  hardihood  of 
belief,  never  doubting  they  knew  how  practical  affairs 
should  go.  They  had  even  kept  the  English  character 
as  they  had  received  it,  against  the  touch  of  time  and 
social  revolution,  until  Virginians  seemed  like  elder 
Englishmen.  England  changed,  but  Virginia  did  not. 
There  landed  estates  spread  themselves  with  an  ample 
acreage  along  the  margins  of  the  streams  that  every- 


v 


6  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

where  threaded  the  virgin  woodland ;  and  the  planter 
drew  about  him  a  body  of  dependants  who  knew  no 
other  master;  to  whom  came,  in  their  seclusion,  none 
of  that  quick  air  of  change  that  had  so  stirred  in  Eng 
land  throughout  all  her  century  of  revolution.  Some 
were  his  slaves,  bound  to  him  in  perpetual  subjection. 
Others  were  his  tenants,  and  looked  upon  him  as  a  sort 
of  patron.  In  Maryland,  where  similar  broad  estates 
lay  upon  every  shore,  the  law  dubbed  a  great  property 
here  and  there  a  "manor,"  and  suffered  it  to  boast  its 
separate  court  baron  and  private  jurisdiction.  Vir 
ginian  gentlemen  enjoyed  independence  and  authority 
without  need  of  formal  title. 

There  was  but  one  centre  of  social  life  in  Virginia: 
at  Williamsburg,  the  village  capital,  where  the  Govern 
or  had  his  "  palace,"  where  stood  the  colonial  college, 
where  there  were  taverns  and  the  town  houses  of  sun 
dry  planters  of  the  vicinage,  and  where  there  was  much 
gay  company  and  not  a  little  formal  ceremonial  in  the 
season.  For  the  rest,  the  Old  Dominion  made  shift  to 
do  without  towns.  There  was  no  great  mart  to  which 
all  the  trade  of  the  colony  was  drawn.  Ships  came  and 
went  upon  each  broad  river  as  upon  a  highway,  taking 
and  discharging  freight  at  the  private  wharves  of  the 
several  plantations.  For  every  planter  was  his  own 
merchant,  shipping  his  tobacco  to  England,  and  import 
ing  thence  in  return  his  clothes,  his  tools,  his  house 
hold  fittings,  his  knowledge  of  the  London  fashions  and 
of  the  game  of  politics  at  home.  His  mechanics  he 
found  among  his  own  slaves  and  dependants.  Their 
"quarters"  and  the  offices  of  his  simple  establishment 
showed  almost  like  a  village  of  themselves  where  they 
stood  in  irregular  groups  about  his  own  square,  broad- 


A  VIRGINIA   PLANTATION   WHARF 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  7 

gabled  house,  with  its  airy  hall  and  homelike  living- 
rooms.  He  might  have  good  plate  upon  his  sideboard 
and  on  his  table,  palatable  old  wine  in  his  cellar,  and 
on  the  walls  about  him  portraits  of  the  stately  men 
and  dames  from  whom  he  took  his  blood  and  breeding. 
But  there  was  little  luxury  in  his  life.  Plain  comfort 
and  a  homely  abundance  sufficed  him.  He  was  a  gen 
tleman,  owned  all  he  saw  around  him,  exercised  author 
ity,  and  enjoyed  consideration  throughout  the  colony ; 
but  he  was  no  prince.  He  lived  always  in  the  style  of 
a  provincial  and  a  gentleman  commoner,  as  his  neigh 
bors  and  friends  did. 

Slaves,  dependants,  and  planters,  however,  did  not  by 
any  means  make  up  the  tale  of  Virginia's  population.  She 
had  been  peopled  out  of  the  common  stock  of  Englishmen, 
and  contained  her  own  variety.  Most  of  the  good  land 
that  lay  upon  the  lower  courses  of  the  James,  the  York, 
the  Rappahannock,  and  the  Potomac  rivers,  and  upon 
the  bay  on  either  hand,  had  been  absorbed  into  the  es 
tates  of  the  wealthier  planters,  who  began  to  conceive 
themselves  a  sort  of  aristocracy;  but  not  a  few  plain 
men  owned  their  own  smaller  tracts  within  the  broad 
stretches  of  country  that  lay  back  from  the  rivers  or 
above  their  navigable  depth.  Upon  the  western  front 
of  the  colony  lived  sturdy  frontiersmen;  and  no  man 
was  so  poor  that  he  might  not  hope  by  thrift  to  hold 
his  own  with  the  best  in  the  country.  Few  could  own 
slaves  in  any  number,  for  the  negroes  counted  less  than 
a  third  in  a  reckoning  of  the  whole  population.  There 
were  hired  servants  besides,  and  servants  bound  for  a 
term  of  years  by  indenture ;  even  criminals  who  could 
be  had  of  the  colony  for  private  service  ;  but  most  men 
must  needs  work  their  own  plots  of  ground  and  devise 


8  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

a  domestic  economy  without  servants.  A  wholesome 
democratic  spirit  pervaded  the  colony,  which  made  even 
the  greater  planters  hesitate  to  give  themselves  airs. 
A  few  families  that  had  thriven  best  and  longest,  and 
had  built  up  great  properties  for  themselves,  did  indeed 
lay  claim,  as  royal  governors  found  to  their  great  dis 
pleasure,  to  a  right  to  be  heard  before  all  others  in  the 
management  of  the  government.  But  they  could  of 
course  show  no  title  but  that  of  pride  and  long  prac 
tice.  'Twas  only  their  social  weight  in  the  parish  ves 
tries,  in  the  Council,  and  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  that 
gave  them  ascendency. 

It  was  the  same  in  church  as  in  state.  Virginia 
prided  herself  upon  having  maintained  the  Establish 
ment  without  schism  or  sour  dissent ;  but  she  had  main 
tained  it  in  a  way  all  her  own,  with  a  democratic  con 
stitution  and  practice  hardly  to  be  found  in  the  canons. 
Nominally  the  Governor  had  the  right  of  presentation 
to  all  livings ;  but  the  vestries  took  care  he  should  sel 
dom  exercise  it,  and,  after  they  had  had  their  own  way 
for  a  century,  claimed  he  had  lost  it  by  prescription. 
They  chose  and  dismissed  and  ruled  their  ministers  as 
they  would.  And  the  chief  planters  were  nowhere 
greater  figures  than  in  the  vestries  of  their  own  par 
ishes,  where  so  many  neighborhood  interests  were  passed 
upon — the  care  of  the  poor,  the  survey  of  estates,  the 
correction  of  disorders,  the  tithe  rates,  and  the  main 
tenance  of  the  church  and  minister.  Sometimes  the 
church  building  was  itself  the  gift  of  the  chief  land 
owner  of  the  parish ;  and  the  planters  were  always  the 
chief  rate-payers.  Their  leadership  was  natural  and  un 
challenged.  They  enjoyed  in  their  own  neighborhood 
a  sort  of  feudal  pre-eminence,  and  the  men  about  them 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  9 

easily  returned  in  thought  and  estimation  to  that  elder 
order  of  English  life  in  which  the  chief  proprietor  of 
the  counts-side  claimed  as  of  course  the  homage  of  his 
neighbors.  There  were  parishes,  not  a  few,  indeed,  in 
which  there  was  no  such  great  planter  to  command 
consideration  by  a  sort  of  social  primacy.  It  was,  after 
all,  only  here  and  there,  and  in  the  older  parts  of 
the  colony,  that  affairs  awaited  the  wish  of  privileged 
individuals.  But  it  was  the  ascendency  of  the  greater 
planters  which  most  struck  the  imagination,  and  which 
gave  to  Virginia  something  of  the  same  air  and  tone 
and  turn  of  opinion  that  existed  in  England,  with  its 
veritable  aristocracy,  its  lordly  country  gentlemen,  its 
ancient  distinctions  of  class  and  manners. 

Those  who  took  counsel  in  England  concerning  colo 
nial  affairs  had  constant  occasion  to  mark  the  sharp 
contrast  between  the  easy-going  Virginians,  who  were 
no  harder  to  govern  than  Englishmen  everywhere,  and 
the  men  of  the  northeastern  colonies,  with  their  dry 
reserve  and  their  steadfast  resolution  not  to  be  gov 
erned  at  all.  These  seemed  unlike  Englishmen  else 
where ;  a  whit  stiffer,  shrewder,  more  self-contained 
and  circumspect.  They  were,  in  fact,  a  peculiar  people. 
Into  New  England  had  come  a  selected  class,  picked 
out  of  the  general  mass  of  Englishmen  at  home  by  test 
of  creed.  "  God  sifted  the  whole  nation,"  one  of  their 
own  preachers  had  told  them,  at  election-time,  in  the 
far  year  1668,  "that  he  might  send  choice  grain  out 
into  this  wilderness."  But  the  variety  of  the  old  life 
in  England  had  been  lost  in  the  sifting.  The  Puritan, 
for  all  he  was  so  strong  and  great  a  figure  in  his  day, 
was  but  one  man  among  a  score  in  the  quick  and  vari 
ous  English  life.  His  single  standard  and  manner  of 


10  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

living,  out  of  the  many  that  strove  for  mastery  in  the 
old  seats  where  the  race  was  bred,  had  been  transferred 
to  New  England ;  and  he  had  had  separate  and  undis 
puted  ascendency  there  to  build  new  commonwealths 
as  he  would.  The  Puritan  Commonwealth  in  England 
had  been  the  government  of  a  minority.  Cromwell  had 
done  his  work  of  chastening  with  a  might  and  fervor 
which  he  found,  not  in  the  nation,  but  in  himself  and  in 
the  stout  men-at-arms  and  hardy  reformers  who  stood 
with  him  while  he  purified  England  and  brought  upon 
all  her  foes  a  day  of  reckoning.  The  people  had  stood 
cowed  and  uneasy  while  he  lived,  and  had  broken  into 
wild  excess  of  joy  at  their  release  when  he  died.  But 
in  New  England  an  entire  community  consented  to  the 
Puritan  code  and  mastery  with  a  hearty  acquiescence. 
It  was  for  this  liberty  they  had  come  over  sea. 

And  the  thoughtful,  strong-willed  men  who  were  their 
leaders  had  built,  as  they  wished,  a  polity  that  should 
last.  Time  wrought  its  deep  changes  in  New  England, 
as  elsewhere,  but  the  stamp  set  upon  these  Puritan  set 
tlements  by  the  generation  that  founded  them  was  not 
effaced.  Trade  made  its  characteristic  mark  upon  them. 
Their  merchants  had  presently  their  own  fleets  and 
markets.  Their  hardy  people  took  more  and  more  to 
the  sea,  lived  the  rough  life  of  the  ocean  ways  with  a 
relish,  beat  in  their  small  craft  up  and  down  the  whole 
coast  of  the  continent,  drove  bargains  everywhere,  and 
everywhere  added  a  touch  to  their  reputation  as  doughty 
sea-dogs  and  shrewd  traders.  The  population  that  after 
a  while  came  to  New  England  did  not  stay  to  be  sifted 
before  attempting  the  voyage  out  of  the  Old  World, 
and  the  quaint  sedateness  of  the  settlements  began  to 
be  broken  by  a  novel  variety.  New  men  beset  the  old 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  11 

order ;  a  rough  democracy  began  to  make  itself  felt ; 
and  new  elements  waxed  bold  amidst  the  new  condi 
tions  that  time  had  wrought.  The  authority  of  the 
crown  at  last  made  a  place  of  command  for  itself,  de 
spite  every  stubborn  protest  and  astute  evasion.  It  be 
came  necessary  to  be  a  trifle  less  observant  of  sect  and 
creed,  to  cultivate,  as  far  as  might  be,  a  temper  of  tol 
erance  and  moderation.  But  it  was  a  slow  change  at 
best.  The  old  order  might  be  modified,  but  it  could  not 
so  soon  be  broken.  New  England,  through  all  her  ju 
risdictions,  remained  a  body  of  churches,  as  well  as  a 
body  of  towns,  submissive  to  the  doctrine  and  discipline 
of  her  learned  clergy,  keeping  the  old  traditions  dis 
tinct,  indubitable,  alike  in  her  schools  and  her  meeting 
houses.  Even  in  Khode  Island,  where  there  had  from 
the  first  been  such  diversity  of  creed  and  license  of  in 
dividual  belief,  there  was  little  variety  of  type  among 
the  people,  for  all  they  counted  themselves  so  free  to 
be  what  they  would.  There  was  here  a  singular  as 
sortment,  no  doubt,  of  the  units  of  the  stock,  but  it 
was  of  the  Puritan  stuff,  none  the  less,  through  all  its 
variety. 

New  England,  indeed,  easily  kept  her  character,  for 
she  lived  apart.  Her  people  mustered  a  full  hundred 
thousand  strong  before  the  seventeenth  century  was 
out ;  her  towns  numbered  many  score,  both  upon  the 
margins  of  the  sea  and  within  the  forests ;  but  she  still 
lay  within  a  very  near  frontier,  pushed  back  only  a 
short  journey  from  the  coast.  Except  where  the  towns 
of  Connecticut  ran  in  broken  line  close  to  the  westward 
strait  of  Long  Island  Sound,  a  broad  wilderness  of  un 
touched  woodland,  of  thicketed  hills  and  valleys  that 
no  white  man  yet  had  seen,  stretched  between  them 


12  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

and  Hudson's  river,  where  New  York's  settlements  lay 
upon  the  edge  of  a  vast  domain,  reaching  all  the  way 
to  the  great  lakes  and  the  western  rivers.  Not  till  1725 
did  adventurous  settlers  dare  go  so  far  as  the  Berk 
shire  Hills.  "Our  country,"  exclaimed  Colonel  Byrd, 
of  Virginia,  who  had  seen  its  wild  interior,  "has  now 
been  inhabited  more  than  a  hundred  and  thirty  years, 
and  still  we  hardly  know  anything  of  the  Appalachian 
Mountains,  which  are  nowhere  above  two  hundred  and 
fifty  miles  from  the  sea."  A  full  century  after  the 
coming  of  the  Pilgrims,  New  England,  like  Virginia, 
was  still  a  frontier  region,  shut  close  about  on  every 
hand  by  thick  forests  beset  by  prowling  bands  of  sav 
ages.  She  had  as  yet  no  intimate  contact  with  the  other 
colonies  whose  fortunes  she  was  to  share.  Her  simple 
life,  quickened  by  adventure,  but  lacking  the  full  pulse 
of  old  communities,  kept,  spite  of  slow  change,  to  a 
single  standard  of  conduct,  made  her  one  community 
from  end  to  end,  her  people  one  people.  She  stood 
apart  and  compact,  still  soberly  cultivating,  as  of  old,  a 
life  and  character  all  her  own.  Colonel  Byrd  noted 
how  "  New  England  improved  much  faster  than  Vir 
ginia,"  and  was  fain  to  think  that  "  though  these  peo 
ple  may  be  ridiculed  for  some  Pharisaical  particularities 
in  their  worship  and  behavior,  yet  they  were  very  use 
ful  subjects,  as  being  frugal  and  industrious,  giving  no 
scandal  or  bad  example."  Public  men  in  England,  who 
had  to  face  these  "  particularities  in  behavior,"  would 
hardly  have  agreed  that  the  men  of  New  England  were 
good  subjects,  though  they  must  have  admitted  their 
excellent  example  in  thrift,  and  Virginia's  need  to  im 
itate  it. 

This  contrast  between  the  northern  and  southern  set- 


IN   WASHINGTON'S   DAT  13 

tlements  was  as  old  as  their  establishment,  for  Virginia 
had  from  the  first  been  resorted  to  by  those  who  had 
no  other  purpose  than  to  better  their  fortunes,  while 
New  England  had  been  founded  to  be  the  home  of  a 
creed  and  discipline ;  but  it  was  not  until  the  Common 
wealth  was  set  up  in  England  that  the  difference  began 
to  be  marked,  and  to  give  promise  of  becoming  per 
manent.  The  English  in  Virginia,  like  the  bulk  of  their 
countrymen  at  home,  had  stood  aghast  at  a  king's  death 
upon  the  scaffold,  and  had  spoken  very  hotly,  in  their 
loyalty,  of  the  men  who  had  dared  do  the  impious  deed 
of  treason ;  but  when  the  Guinea,  frigate,  brought  the 
Commonwealth's  commission  into  the  river  to  demand 
their  submission,  even  Sir  William  Berkeley,  the  re 
doubtable  Cavalier  Governor,  who  had  meant  stub 
bornly  to  keep  his  province  for  the  second  Charles,  saw 
he  must  yield ;  perceived  there  was  too  nice  a  balance 
of  parties  in  the  colony  to  permit  an  execution  of  his 
plans  of  resistance ;  heard  too  many  plain  men  in  his 
Council,  and  out  of  it,  declare  themselves  very  much  of 
a  mind  with  the  Puritans  for  the  nonce  in  politics- 
very  willing  to  set  up  a  democracy  in  Virginia  which 
should  call  itself  a  part  of  the  Puritan  state  in  Eng 
land.  But  a  great  change  had  been  wrought  in  Vir 
ginia  while  the  Commonwealth  lasted.  When  the  Com 
monwealth's  frigate  came  in  at  the  capes  she  counted 
scarcely  fifteen  thousand  settlers  upon  her  plantations, 
but  the  next  twenty  years  saw  her  transformed.  By 
1670  quite  twenty -five  thousand  people  were  added  to 
the  reckoning;  and  of  the  new-comers  a  great  multi 
tude  had  left  England  as  much  because  they  hated  the 
Puritans  as  because  they  desired  Virginia.  They  were 
drawn  out  of  that  great  majority  at  home  to  whom 


14  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

Cromwell  had  not  dared  resort  to  get  a  new  parlia 
ment  in  the  stead  of  the  one  he  had  "  purged."  Many 
of  them  were  of  the  hottest  blood  of  the  Cavaliers. 

It  was  in  these  years  Virginia  got  her  character  and 
received  her  leading  gentry  for  the  time  to  come — the 
years  while  the  Commonwealth  stood  and  royalists  de 
spaired,  and  the  years  immediately  following  the  Kes- 
toration,  when  royalists  took  heart  again  and  English 
men  turned  with  a  new  ardor  to  colonization  as  the 
times  changed.  Among  the  rest  in  the  great  migration 
came  two  brothers,  John  and  Lawrence  Washington, 
of  a  stock  whose  loyalty  was  as  old  as  the  Conquest. 
They  came  of  a  Norman  family,  the  men  of  whose 
elder  branch  had  for  two  hundred  years  helped  the 
stout  Bishops  of  Durham  keep  the  border  against  the 
Scots ;  and  in  every  branch  of  which  men  had  sprung 
up  to  serve  the  king,  the  state,  and  the  church  with 
steadfastness  and  honor :  dashing  soldiers  ready  for  the 
field  at  home  or  abroad,  stout  polemical  priors,  lawyers 
who  knew  the  learning  of  their  day  and  made  their 
way  to  high  posts  in  chancery,  thrifty  burghers,  gallant 
courtiers,  prosperous  merchants — public-spirited  gentle 
men  all.  It  was  Colonel  Henry  Washington,  cousin 
to  the  Virginian  refugees,  who  had  been  with  Rupert 
when  he  stormed  Bristol,  and  who,  with  a  handful  of 
men,  had  made  good  an  entrance  into  the  town  when 
all  others  were  beaten  back  and  baffled.  It  was  he 
who  had  held  Worcester  for  his  master  even  after  he 
knew  Charles  to  be  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  par 
liamentary  forces.  "  Procure  his  Majesty's  commands 
for  the  disposal  of  this  garrison,"  was  all  he  would  an 
swer  when  Fairfax  summoned  him  to  surrender ;  "  till 
then  I  shall  make  good  the  trust  reposed  in  me.  The 


IN  WASHINGTON'S   DAY  15 

worst  I  know  and  fear  not ;  if  I  had,  the  profession  of 
a  soldier  had  not  been  begun."  But  it  was  an  ill  time 
to  revive  the  traditions  of  the  knights  of  Durham ; 
loyalty  only  brought  ruin.  The  Keverend  Lawrence 
Washington,  uncle  to  the  gallant  colonel  who  was  the 
King's  Governor  at  Worcester,  had  been  cast  out  of  his 
living  at  Purleigh  in  1643  by  order  of  Parliament,  upon 
the  false  charge  that  he  was  a  public  tippler,  oft  drunk, 
and  loud  to  rail  against  the  Parliament  and  its  armies ; 
but  really  because,  with  all  his  race,  he  was  a  royalist, 
and  his  living  one  of  the  best  in  Essex.  It  was  his 
sons  who  left  off  hoping  to  see  things  mend  in  England 
and  betook  themselves  to  Virginia.  His  ruin  had  come 
upon  him  while  they  were  yet  lads.  He  had  been  a 
brilliant  university  scholar,  fellow  and  lector  of  Brase- 
nose,  and  rector  of  Oxford ;  but  he  could  give  his  sons 
neither  a  university  career  nor  hope  of  fortune  in  the 
humble  parish  pitying  friends  had  found  for  him  in  an 
obscure  village  of  Essex ;  and  when  he  was  dead  they 
saw  no  reason  why  they  should  stay  longer  in  Eng 
land,  where  Cromwell  was  master. 

John  Washington,  the  oldest  son  of  the  unfortunate 
rector,  reached  Virginia  in  1656,  having  made  his  way 
to  the  colony  as  "  second  man "  to  Edward  Prescott, 
merchant  and  ship-owner,  in  whose  company  he  had 
come ;  and  his  brother  Lawrence,  after  passing  to  and 
fro  between  England  and  the  colony  several  times 
upon  errands  of  business,  presently  joined  him  in  per 
manent  residence  upon  the  "  northern  neck "  of  rich 
land  that  lay  between  the  Kappahannock  and  the  Po 
tomac  rivers.  It  was  a  region  where  every  settlement 
as  yet  was  new.  A  few  families  had  fixed  themselves 
upon  it  when  Maryland  drove  Captain  Clayborne  and 


16  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

his  Yirginian  partisans  forth  from  Kent  Island  in  the 
years  1637  and  1638 ;  and  they  had  mustered  numbers 
enough  within  a  few  years  to  send  a  representative  to 
the  House  of  Burgesses  at  Jamestown.  But  it  was  not 
till  1648  that  the  Assembly  gave  their  lands  a  regular 
constitution  as  the  County  of  Northumberland ;  for  it 
was  to  this  region  the  Indians  had  been  driven  by  the 
encroachment  of  the  settlements  on  the  James  and 
York,  and  for  a  while  the  Assembly  had  covenanted 
with  the  red  men  to  keep  it  free  from  settlers.  When 
once  the  ban  was  removed,  however,  in  1648,  coloniza 
tion  set  in  apace — from  the  older  counties  of  Virginia, 
from  Maryland  across  the  river  and  England  over  sea, 
from  New  England  even,  as  if  by  a  common  impulse. 
In  1651  the  Assembly  found  it  necessary  to  create  the 
two  additional  counties  of  Gloucester  and  Lancaster, 
and  in  1653  still  another,  the  County  of  Westmore 
land,  for  the  region's  proper  government,  so  quickly 
did  it  fill  in;  for  the  tide  out  of  England  already  be 
gan  to  show  its  volume.  The  region  was  a  natural  seat 
of  commerce,  and  merchants  out  of  the  trading  ports  of 
England  particularly  affected  it.  Rich  land  was  abun 
dant,  and  the  Potomac  ran  strong  and  ample  there,  to 
carry  the  commerce  alike  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  to 
the  bay,  upon  whose  tributaries  and  inlets  lay  all  the 
older  settlements  of  both  colonies.  Lawrence  Wash 
ington,  though  he  still  described  himself,  upon  occa 
sion,  as  "  of  Luton,  County  Bedford,  merchant,"  found 
his  chief  profit  where  he  made  his  home,  with  his 
brother  John,  in  the  new  County  of  Westmoreland  in 
Virginia.  About  them  lived  young  men  and  old,  come, 
like  themselves,  out  of  England,  or  drawn  from  the 
older  settlements  by  the  attractions  of  the  goodly  re- 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  17 

gion,  looking  out,  as  it  did,  on  either  hand  to  a  broad 
river  and  an  easy  trade.  They  felt  it  scarcely  an  ex 
patriation  to  live  there,  so  constantly  did  ships  come 
and  go  between  their  wharves  and  the  home  ports  at 
Bristol  and  London.  It  soon  grew  to  be  nothing  sin 
gular  to  see  well-to-do  men  go  every  year  to  England 
upon  some  errand  of  profit  or  pleasure. 

It  was  with  such  a  region  and  such  stirring  neigh 
bors  that  the  'young  Washingtons  identified  themselves 
while  they  were  yet  youths  in  their  twenties ;  and  there 
they  prospered  shrewdly  with  the  rest.  Prudent  men 
and  men  of  character  readily  accumulated  estates  in 
the  untouched  glades  and  forests  of  Westmoreland. 
The  season  of  their  coming,  moreover,  sadly  as  things 
seemed  to  go  in  1656,  turned  out  propitious.  The  Res 
toration  opened  a  new  era  in  the  settlement  of  the 
country.  Englishmen  bestirred  themselves  to  take  act 
ual  possession  of  all  the  great  coast -line  they  had  so 
long  claimed  without  occupying.  "The  Dutch  had 
enjoyed  New  Netherland  during  the  distractions  of  the 
reign  of  Charles  I.  without  any  other  interruption" 
than  the  seizure  of  their  post  upon  the  Connecticut 
by  the  New-Englanders,  and  the  aggressions  alike  of 
Swedes  and  English  upon  the  Delaware ;  but  the  min 
isters  of  Charles  II.,  though  "  for  some  time  perplexed 
in  what  light  to  view  them,  whether  as  subjects  or  as 
aliens,  determined  at  length  that  New  Netherland  ought 
in  justice  to  be  resumed,"  and  the  thing  was  presently 
accomplished  in  true  sovereign  fashion  by  force  of 
arms.  To  the  ducal  province  of  New  York,  Penn 
presently  added  the  thrifty  Quaker  colony  which  so 
promptly  created  a  busy  town  and  mart  of  trade  at 
Philadelphia,  and  which  pushed  its  rural  settlements 


18  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

back  so  speedily  into  the  fertile  lands  that  lay  towards 
the  west.  Then,  while  the  new  colonizing  impulse  still 
ran  strong,  New  Jersey,  too,  was  added,  with  her  limits 
at  one  end  upon  the  Hudson  and  the  great  bay  at  New 
York,  where  she  depended  upon  one  rival  for  a  port  of 
entry,  and  at  the  other  upon  the  Delaware,  where  an 
other  rival  presided  over  the  trade  of  her  southern 
highway  to  the  sea.  To  the  southward  straggling  set 
tlements  upon  Albemarle  Sound  grew  slowly  into  the 
colony  of  North  Carolina ;  and  still  other  settlements, 
upon  the  rivers  that  lay  towards  Florida,  throve  so 
bravely  that  Charleston  presently  boasted  itself  a  sub 
stantial  town,  and  South  Carolina  had  risen  to  be  a 
considerable  colony,  prosperous,  well  ordered,  and  show 
ing  a  quick  life  and  individuality  of  her  own. 

A  new  migration  had  come  out  of  England  to  the 
colonies,  and  Englishmen  looked  with  fresh  confidence 
to  see  their  countrymen  build  an  empire  in  America. 
And  yet  perhaps  not  an  empire  of  pure  English  blood. 
New  York  was  for  long  scarcely  the  less  a  Dutch  prov 
ince,  for  all  she  had  changed  owners,  and  saw  English 
men  crowd  in  to  control  her  trade.  There  were  Swedes 
still  upon  the  Delaware ;  and  Pennsylvania  mustered 
among  her  colonists,  besides  a  strange  mixture  out  of 
many  nations  —  Germans,  French,  Dutch,  Finns,  and 
English.  Even  in  Virginia,  which  so  steadily  kept  its 
English  character,  there  were  to  be  found  groups  of 
French  Huguenots  and  Germans  who  had  been  given 
an  ungrudging  welcome ;  and  South  Carolina,  though 
strongly  English  too,  had  taken  some  of  her  best  blood 
out  of  France  when  Louis  so  generously  gave  the  world 
fifty  thousand  families  of  the  finest  breed  of  his  king 
dom  by  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  (1685). 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

(From  a  portrait  painted  in  1772  by  C.  W.  Peale,  now  owned  by  General  George  Washington  Custis  Lee, 
of  Lexington,  Virginia) 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  19 

The  second  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century  saw 
Scots-Irish  enter  Virginia  and  the  middle  colonies  in 
hosts  that  for  a  time  numbered  ten  thousand  by  the 
year.  Pennsylvania  alone,  in  the  single  year  1729, 
could  reckon  five  thousand  of  these  sturdy  people  who 
had  come  to  multiply  and  strengthen  her  settlements. 

It  was  to  the  middle  colonies  that  most  foreigners 
came,  and  their  coming  gave  to  the  towns  and  farms 
of  that  region  a  variety  of  tongues  and  customs,  of 
manners  and  trades  and  ways  of  life  and  worship,  to 
be  found  nowhere  else.  Boston,  with  all  its  trade  and 
seafaring,  had  no  touch  of  that  cosmopolitan  character 
which  New  York  had  taken  on  quite  inevitably  in  the 
course  of  her  varying  fortunes,  and  which  Philadelphia 
had  assumed  by  choice;  and  rural  Virginia  scarcely 
felt  amidst  her  scattered  plantations  the  presence  of  the 
few  families  who  lived  by  standards  that  were  not  Eng 
lish.  The  common  feature  of  the  new  time,  with  its 
novel  enterprises  and  its  general  immigration,  was  that 
the  colonies  everywhere,  whether  young  or  old,  felt  a 
keen  stimulation  and  a  new  interest  in  affairs  beyond 
their  borders.  A  partial  exchange  of  population  be 
gan,  a  noticeable  intercolonial  migration.  Whole  con 
gregations  came  out  of  New  England  to  found  towns 
in  New  Jersey,  and  individuals  out  of  every  colony  vent 
ured  more  freely  than  before  to  exchange  one  region 
for  another,  in  order  to  coax  health  or  fortune.  Pop 
ulation  was  thus  not  a  little  compacted,  while  the  colo 
nies  were  drawn  by  insensible  degrees  to  feel  a  certain 
community  of  interest  and  cultivate  a  certain  commu 
nity  of  opinion. 

An  expanding  life,  widened  fields  of  enterprise  and 
adventure,  quickened  hopes,  and  the  fair  prospects  of  a 


20  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

growing  empire  everywhere  heartened  strong  men  in 
the  colonies  to  steady  endeavor  when  the  new  century 
opened — the  scheming,  calculating  eighteenth  century, 
so  unimpassioned  and  conventional  at  first,  so  tempest 
uous  at  last.  The  men  of  the  colonies  were  not  so 
new  as  their  continent  in  the  ways  of  civilization.  They 
were  Old  World  men  put  upon  fresh  coasts  and  a  forest 
frontier,  to  make  the  most  of  them,  create  markets, 
build  a  new  trade,  become  masters  of  vast  resources  as 
yet  untouched  and  incalculable  ;  and  they  did  their  work 
for  the  most  part  with  unmatched  spirit  and  energy, 
notwithstanding  they  were  checked  and  hampered  by 
the  statutes  of  the  realm.  The  Navigation  Acts  forbade 
the  use  of  any  but  English  ships  in  trade ;  forbade  all 
trade,  besides,  which  did  not  run  direct  to  and  from  the 
ports  of  England.  The  colonies  must  not  pass  England 
by  even  in  their  trade  with  one  another.  What  they 
could  not  produce  themselves  they  must  bring  straight 
from  England ;  what  they  had  to  dispose  of  they  must 
send  straight  to  England.  If  they  would  exchange 
among  themselves  they  must  make  England  by  the  way, 
so  that  English  merchants  should  be  their  middlemen 
and  factors ;  or  else,  if  they  must  needs  carry  direct 
from  port  to  port  of  their  own  coasts,  they  must  pay 
such  duties  as  they  would  have  paid  in  English  ports 
had  they  actually  gone  the  intermediate  voyage  to  Eng 
land  preferred  by  the  statutes.  'Twas  the  "usage  of 
other  nations"  besides  England  "to  keep  their  planta 
tion  trade  to  themselves  "  in  that  day,  as  the  Parliament 
itself  said  and  no  man  could  deny,  and  'twas  the  purpose 
of  such  restrictions  to  maintain  "a  greater  correspond 
ence  and  kindness  between  "  England  and  her  subjects 
in  America,  "keeping  them  in  a  firmer  dependence," 


IN   WASHINGTON'S  DAY  21 

and  at  the  same  time  "  rendering  them  yet  more  bene 
ficial  and  advantageous  "  to  English  seamen,  merchants, 
wool-growers,  and  manufacturers;  but  it  cost  the  colo 
nists  pride  and  convenience  and  profit  to  obey. 

Some,  who  felt  the  harness  of  such  law  too  smartly, 
consoled  themselves  by  inventing  means  to  escape  it. 
The  coast  was  long;  was  opened  by  many  an  unused 
harbor,  great  and  small ;  could  not  everywhere  and  al 
ways  be  watched  by  king's  officers;  was  frequented  by  a 
tolerant  people,  who  had  no  very  nice  conscience  about 
withholding  taxes  from  a  sovereign  whose  messages  and 
commands  came  quickly  over  sea  only  when  the  wind  held 
fair  for  weeks  together ;  and  cargoes  could  be  got  both 
out  and  in  at  small  expense  of  secrecy  and  no  expense  at 
all  in  duties.  In  short,  smuggling  was  easy.  'Twas  a 
time  of  frequent  wars,  moreover,  and  privateering  com 
missions  were  to  be  had  for  the  asking ;  so  that  French 
ships  could  be  brought  in  with  their  lading,  condemned, 
and  handsomely  sold,  without  the  trouble  of  paying 
French  prices  or  English  port  dues.  Privateering,  too, 
was  cousin-german  to  something  still  better ;  'twas  but 
a  sort  of  formal  apprenticeship  to  piracy  ;  and  the  quiet, 
unused  harbors  of  the  coast  showed  many  a  place  where 
the  regular  profession  might  be  set  up.  Veritably  pirates 
took  the  sea,  hunted  down  what  commerce  they  would 
—English  no  less  than  French  and  Dutch  and  Spanish 
—rendezvoused  in  lonely  sounds,  inlets,  and  rivers  where 
king's  officers  never  came,  and  kept  very  respectable 
company  when  they  came  at  last  to  dispose  of  their 
plunder  at  New  York  or  Charleston,  being  men  very 
learned  in  subterfuges  and  very  quick-fingered  at  brib 
ing.  And  then  there  was  "  the  Ked  Sea  trade,"  whose 
merchants  sent  fleets  to  Madagascar  in  the  season  to  ex- 


22  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

change  cargoes  with  rough  men  out  of  the  Eastern  seas, 
of  whom  they  courteously  asked  no  questions.  The 
larger  ports  were  full  of  sailors  who  waited  to  be  en 
gaged,  not  at  regular  wages,  but  "on  the  grand  ac 
count  " ;  and  it  took  many  weary  years  of  hangman's 
labor  to  bring  enough  pirates  to  the  gallows  to  scotch 
the  ugly  business.  In  1717  it  was  reported  in  the  colo 
nies  that  there  were  quite  fifteen  hundred  pirates  on  the 
coast,  full  one-half  of  whom  made  their  headquarters, 
very  brazenly,  at  New  Providence  in  the  Bahamas ;  and 
there  were  merchants  and  mariners  by  the  score  who 
had  pangs  of  keen  regret  to  see  the  breezy  trade  go 
down,  as  the  century  drew  on  a  decade  or  two,  because 
of  the  steady  vigilance  and  stern  endeavor  of  Governors 
who  had  been  straitly  commanded  to  suppress  it. 

The  Navigation  Acts  bred  an  irritation  in  the  colonies 
which  grew  with  their  growth  and  strengthened  with 
their  consciousness  of  strength  and  capacity.  Not  be 
cause  such  restrictions  were  uncommon,  but  because  the 
colonies  were  forward  and  exacting.  There  was,  indeed, 
much  to  commend  the  legislation  they  resented.  It  at 
tracted  the  capital  of  English  merchants  to  the  American 
trade,  it  went  far  towards  securing  English  supremacy 
on  the  seas,  and  it  was  strictly  within  the  powers  of 
Parliament,  as  no  man  could  deny.  Parliament  had  an 
undoubted  right  to  regulate  imperial  interests,  of  this  or 
any  other  kind,  even  though  it  regulated  them  unreason 
ably.  But  colonies  that  reckoned  their  English  popula 
tion  by  the  hundred  thousand  and  lived  by  trade  and 
adventure  would  not  long  have  brooked  such  a  policy  of 
restraint  had  they  had  the  leisure  to  fret  over  it.  They 
did  not  as  yet  have  the  leisure.  The  Erench  stood  men 
acingly  at  their  western  gates,  through  which  the  great 


If 

* 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  23 

fur  trade  made  its  way ;  where  the  long  rivers  ran  which 
threaded  the  central  valleys  of  the  continent ;  where  the 
Mississippi  stretched  itself  from  north  to  south  like  a 
great  body  of  dividing  waters,  flanking  all  the  coast  and 
its  settlements — where  alone  a  true  mastery  of  the  con 
tinent  and  its  resources  could  be  held.  It  would  be 
time  enough  to  reckon  with  Parliament  touching  the 
carrying  trade  when  they  had  made  good  their  title  to 
what  they  were  to  trade  withal. 

The  French  had  been  a  long  time  about  their  work, 
for  they  had  done  it  like  subjects,  at  the  bidding  of 
an  ambitious  king,  rather  than  like  free  men  striving 
as  they  pleased  for  themselves.  But  what  they  had 
done  they  had  done  systematically  and  with  a  fixed 
policy  that  did  not  vary,  though  ministers  and  even 
dynasties  might  come  and  go.  The  English  had 
crowded  to  the  coasts  of  the  continent  as  they  pleased, 
and  had  mustered  their  tens  of  thousands  before  the 
French  reckoned  more  than  a  few  hundreds.  But  the 
French  had  hit  upon  the  mighty  river  St.  Lawrence, 
whose  waters  came  out  of  the  great  lakes  and  the  heart 
of  the  continent ;  their  posts  were  garrisons ;  what  men 
they  had  they  put  forward,  at  each  step  of  discovery,  at 
some  point  of  vantage  upon  lake  or  river,  whence  they 
were  not  easily  dislodged.  Their  shrewd  fur-traders  and 
dauntless  priests  struck  everywhere  into  the  heart  of 
the  forests,  leading  forward  both  trade  and  conquest, 
until  at  last,  through  the  country  of  the  Illinois  and 
out  of  far  Lake  Michigan,  the  streams  had  been  found 
which  ran  down  into  the  west  to  the  flooding  Missis 
sippi.  Colonists  were  sent  to  the  mouth  of  the  vast 
river,  posts  presently  dotted  its  banks  here  and  there 
throughout  its  length,  trade  passed  up  and  down  its 


24  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

spreading  stream,  and  the  English,  their  eyes  at  last 
caught  by  the  stealthy  movement,  looked  in  a  short 
space  to  see  French  settlements  "  running  all  along  from 
our  lakes  by  the  back  of  Virginia  and  Carolina  to  the 
Bay  of  Mexico." 

This  was  a  business  that  touched  the  colonies  to  the 
quick.  New  York  had  her  western  frontiers  upon  the 
nearer  lakes.  Thence,  time  out  of  mind,  had  come  the 
best  furs  to  the  markets  at  Albany,  brought  from  tribe 
to  tribe  out  of  the  farthest  regions  of  the  northwest. 
New  England,  with  the  French  at  her  very  doors,  had 
to  look  constantly  to  her  northern  borders  to  keep  them 
against  the  unquiet  savage  tribes  the  French  every  year 
stirred  up  against  her.  Virginia  felt  the  French  power 
.among  her  savage  neighbors  too,  the  moment  her  peo 
ple  ventured  across  the  Blue  Ridge  into  the  valley 
•where  many  an  ancient  war-path  ran ;  and  beyond  the 
Alleghanies  she  perceived  she  must  stand  in  the  very 
presence  almost  of  the  French  themselves.  English  fron 
tiersmen  and  traders,  though  they  had  no  advancing 
military  posts  behind  them,  were  none  the  less  quick  to 
.go  themselves  deep  into  the  shadowed  wilderness,  there 
•to  ,meet  the  French  face  to  face  in  their  own  haunts. 
'The  Carolinas  were  hardly  settled  before  their  more  ad 
venturous  spirits  went  straight  into  the  far  valley  of  the 
Tennessee,  and  made  trade  for  themselves  there  against 
the  coming  of  the  French.  Out  of  Virginia,  too,  and 
out  of  Pennsylvania,  as  well  as  out  of  New  York,  traders 
pressed  towards  the  West,  and  fixed  their  lonely  huts 
here  and  there  along  the  wild  banks  of  the  Ohio.  'Twas 
diamond  cut  diamond  when  they  met  their  French  rivals 
in  the  wigwams  of  the  Indian  villages,  and  their  canoes 
knew  the  waterways  of  the  wilderness  as  well  as  any 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  25 

man's.  'Tvvas  they  who  learned  at  first  hand  what  the 
French  were  doing.  They  were  like  scouts  sent  out  to 
view  the  ground  to  be  fought  for. 

This  hazardous  meeting  of  rival  nations  at  the  heart 
of  the  continent  meant  many  a  deep  change  in  the  fort- 
-  unes  of  the  colonies.  European  politics  straightway  en 
tered  their  counsels.  Here  was  an  end  of  their  sepa- 
rateness  and  independence  of  England.  Charles  and 
James  and  William  all  showed  that  they  meant  to  be 
veritable  sovereigns,  and  had  no  thought  but  that  the 
colonists  in  America,  like  all  other  Englishmen,  should 
be  their  subjects ;  and  here  was  their  opportunity  to  be 
masters  upon  an  imperial  scale  and  with  an  imperial  ex 
cuse.  In  Europe,  England  beheld  France  her  most  for 
midable  foe  ;  she  must  look  to  it  that  Louis  and  his  min 
isters  take  no  advantage  in  America.  The  colonies,  no 
less  than  the  Channel  itself,  were  become  the  frontiers 
of  an  empire — and  there  must  be  no  trespass  upon  Eng 
lish  soil  by  the  French.  The  colonists  must  be  rallied 
to  the  common  work,  and,  if  used,  they  must  be  ruled 
and  consolidated. 

As  it  turned  out,  the  thing  was  quite  impossible. 
The  colonies  had  too  long  been  separate ;  their  charac 
ters,  their  tempers,  their  interests,  were  too  diverse  and 
distinct ;  they  were  unused  to  co-operate,  and  unwilling ; 
they  were  too  slow  to  learn  submission  in  anything. 
The  plan  of  grouping  several  of  them  under  a  single 
governor  was  attempted,  but  they  remained  as  separate 
under  that  arrangement  as  under  any  other.  Massachu 
setts  would  interest  herself  in  nothing  beyond  her  own 
jurisdiction  that  did  not  immediately  touch  her  safety 
or  advantage ;  New  York  cared  little  what  the  French 
did,  if  only  the  Iroquois  could  be  kept  quiet  and  she 


26  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

could  get  her  furs  in  the  season,  and  find  a  market  for 
them  abroad  or  among  the  French  themselves  ;  Virginia 
had  no  eye  for  any  movement  upon  the  frontiers  that 
did  not  menace  her  own  fair  valleys  within  the  moun 
tains  with  hostile  occupation ;  the  Carolinas  were  as  yet 
too  young  to  be  serviceable,  and  New  Jersey  too  remote 
from  points  of  danger.  Nowhere  could  either  men  or 
supplies  be  had  for  use  against  the  French  except  by  the 
vote  of  a  colonial  assembly.  The  law  of  the  empire 
might  be  what  it  would  in  the  mouths  of  English 
judges  at  home ;  it  did  not  alter  the  practice  of  the  col 
onies.  The  courts  in  England  might  say  with  what 
emphasis  they  liked  that  Virginia,  u  being  a  conquered 
country,  their  law  is  what  the  King  pleases " ;  it  was 
none  the  less  necessary  for  the  King's  Governor  to 
keep  on  terms  with  the  people's  representatives.  "  Our 
government  is  so  happily  constituted,"  writes  Colonel 
Byrd  to  his  friend  in  the  Barbadoes,  "  that  a  governor 
must  first  outwit  us  before  he  can  oppress  us.  And  if 
ever  he  squeeze  money  out  of  us,  he  must  first  take  care 
to  deserve  it."  Every  colon}7  held  stoutly  to  a  like 
practice,  with  a  like  stubborn  temper,  which  it  was  mere 
folly  to  ignore.  One  and  all  they  were  even  then  "  too 
proud  to  submit,  too  strong  to  be  forced,  too  enlightened 
not  to  see  all  the  consequences  which  must  arise"  should 
they  tamely  consent  to  be  ruled  by  royal  command  or 
parliamentary  enactment.  Their  obedience  must  be  had 
on  their  own  terms,  or  else  not  had  at  all.  Governors 
saw  this  plainly  enough,  though  the  ministers  at  home 
could  not.  Many  a  governor  had  his  temper  sadly 
soured  by  the  contentious  obstinacy  of  the  colonial  as 
sembly  he  was  set  to  deal  with.  One  or  two  died  of  sheer 
exasperation.  But  the  situation  was  not  altered  a  whit. 


WILLIAM   BYRD 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  27 

When  there  is  friction  there  must,  sooner  or  later,  be 
adjustment,  if  affairs  are  to  go  forward  at  all,  and  this 
contest  between  imperial  system  and  colonial  indepen 
dence  at  last  brought  some  things  that  had  been  vague 
to  a  very  clear  definition.  'Twas  plain  the  colonies 
would  not  of  themselves  combine  to  meet  and  oust  the 
French.  They  would  supply  neither  men  nor  money, 
moreover.  England  must  send  her  own  armies  to  Amer 
ica,  fight  France  there  as  she  would  have  fought  her  in 
Europe,  and  pay  the  reckoning  herself  out  of  her  own 
treasury,  getting  from  the  colonies,  the  while,  only  such 
wayward  and  niggardly  aid  as  they  chose  to  give.  The 
colonies,  meanwhile,  might  gather  some  of  the  fruits  of 
experience;  might  learn  how  safe  it  was  to  be  selfish, 
and  how  unsafe,  if  they  hoped  to  prosper  and  be  free ; 
might  perceive  where  their  common  interests  lay,  and 
their  common  power;  might  in  some  degree  steady 
their  lives  and  define  their  policy  against  the  coming  of 
more  peaceful  times.  Two  wars  came  and  went  which 
brought  France  and  England  to  arms  against  each 
other  in  America,  as  in  Europe,  but  they  passed  away 
without  decisive  incident  in  the  New  World,  and  there 
followed  upon  them  thirty  years  of  uneventful  peace, 
during  which  affairs  hung  at  a  nice  balance,  and  the 
colonies  took  counsel,  each  for  itself,  how  they  should 
prosper. 

Virginia,  meanwhile,  had  got  the  charter  she  was  to 
keep.  From  the  Potomac  to  the  uncertain  border  of 
the  Carolinas  she  had  seen  her  counties  fill  with  the 
men  who  were  to  decide  her  destiny.  Her  people,  close 
"upon  a  hundred  thousand  strong,  had  fallen  into  the  or 
der  of  life  they  were  to  maintain.  They  were  no  longer 
colonists  merely,  but  citizens  of  a  commonwealth  of 


28  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

which  they  began  to  be  very  proud,  not  least  because 
they  saw  a  noble  breed  of  public  men  spring  out  of 
their  own  loins  to  lead  them.  Though  they  were  scat 
tered,  they  were  not  divided.  There  was,  after  all,  no 
real  isolation  for  any  man  in  Virginia,  for  all  that  he 
lived  so  much  apart  and  was  a  sort  of  lord  within  his 
rustic  barony.  In  that  sunny  land  men  were  constantly 
abroad,  looking  to  their  tobacco  and  the  labor  of  all 
kinds  that  must  go  forward,  but  would  not  unless  they 
looked  to  it,  or  else  for  the  sheer  pleasure  of  bestriding 
a  good  horse,  being  quit  of  the  house,  and  breathing 
free  in  the  genial  air.  Bridle-paths  everywhere  threaded 
the  forests;  it  was  no  great  matter  to  ride  from  house 
to  house  among  one's  neighbors;  there  were  county- 
court  days,  moreover,  to  draw  the  country-side  together, 
whether  there  was  much  business  or  little  to  be  seen  to. 
Men  did  not  thrive  thereabouts  by  staying  within  doors, 
but  by  being  much  about,  knowing  their  neighbors,  ob 
serving  what  ships  came  and  went  upon  the  rivers,  and 
what  prices  were  got  for  the  cargoes  they  carried  away ; 
learning  what  the  news  was  from  Williamsburg  and 
London,  what  horses  and  cattle  were  to  be  had,  and 
what  dogs,  of  what  breeds.  It  was  a  country  in  which 
news  and  opinions  and  friendships  passed  freely  current; 
where  men  knew  each  other  with  a  rare  leisurely  in 
timacy,  and  enjoyed  their  easy,  unforced  intercourse 
with  a  keen  and  lasting  relish. 

It  was  a  country  in  which  men  kept  their  individuali 
ty  very  handsomely  withal.  If  there  was  no  town  life, 
there  were  no  town  manners  either,  no  village  conven 
tionalities  to  make  all  men  of  one  carriage  and  pattern 
and  manner  of  living.  Every  head  of  a  family  was 
head  also  of  an  establishment,  and  could  live  with  a  self- 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  29 

respect  and  freedom  which  were  subject  to  no  man's 
private  scrutiny.  He  had  leave,  in  his  independence,  to 
be  himself  quite  naturally,  and  did  not  need  to  justify 
his  liberty  by  excuses.  And  yet  he  had  responsibilities 
too,  and  a  position  which  steadied  and  righted  him  al 
most  in  spite  of  himself.  It  required  executive  capacity 
to  make  his  estate  pay,  and  an  upright  way  of  life  to 
maintain  his  standing.  If  he  was  sometimes  loud  and 
hectoring,  or  over-careless  what  he  said  or  did,  'twas 
commonly  because  he  was  young  or  but  half  come  into 
his  senses;  for  his  very  business,  of  getting  good  crops 
of  tobacco  and  keeping  on  dealing  terms  with  his  neigh 
bors,  demanded  prudence  and  a  conduct  touched  with 
consideration.  He  had  to  build  his  character  very  care 
fully  by  the  plumb  to  keep  it  at  an  equilibrium,  though 
he  might  decorate  it,  if  it  were  but  upright,  as  freely, 
as  whimsically  even,  as  he  chose,  with  chance  traits  and 
self-pleasing  tastes,  with  the  full  consent  and  tolerance 
of  the  neighborhood.  He  was  his  own  man,  might  have 
his  own  opinions  if  he  held  them  but  courteously 
enough,  might  live  his  own  life  if  he  but  lived  it  cleanly 
and  without  offence.  T\vas  by  their  living  rather  than 
by  their  creed  or  their  livelihood  that  men  were  assessed 
and  esteemed. 

It  was  not  a  life  that  bred  students,  though  it  was  a 
life  that  begot  thoughtfulness  and  leadership  in  affairs. 
Those  who  fell  in  the  way  of  getting  them  had  not  a 
few  books  upon  their  shelves,  because  they  thought  every 
gentleman  should  have  such  means  of  knowing  what 
the  world  had  said  and  done  before  his  day.  But  they 
read  only  upon  occasion,  when  the  weather  darkened, 
or  long  evenings  dragged  because  there  were  no  guests 
in  the  house.  Not  much  systematic  education  was  pos- 


30  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

sible  where  the  population  was  so  dispersed  and  sepa 
rate.  A  few  country  schools  undertook  what  was  ab 
solutely  necessary,  and  gave  instruction  in  such  practi 
cal  branches  as  every  man  must  know  something  of  who 
was  to  take  part  in  the  management  of  private  and  pub 
lic  business.  For  the  rest,  those  who  chose  could  get 
the  languages  from  private  tutors,  when  they  were  to 
be  had,  and  then  go  over  sea  to  read  at  the  universities, 
or  to  Williamsburg  when  at  last  the  colony  had  its  own 
college  of  William  and  Mary.  More  youths  went  from 
the  Northern  Neck  to  England  for  their  education,  no 
doubt,  than  from  any  other  part  of  Virginia.  The 
counties  there  were  somewhat  closer  than  the  rest  to 
the  sea,  bred  more  merchants  and  travellers,  kept  up  a 
more  intimate  correspondence  both  by  travel  and  by 
letter  with  Bristol  and  London  and  all  the  old  English 
homes.  And  even  those  who  stayed  in  Virginia  had  most 
of  them  the  tradition  of  refinement,  spoke  the  mother 
tongue  purely  and  with  a  proper  relish,  and  maintained 
themselves  somehow,  with  perhaps  an  added  touch  of 
simplicity  that  was  their  own,  in  the  practices  of  a  cul 
tivated  race. 

No  one  in  Virginia  thought  that  u  becoming  a  mere 
scholar  "  was  "  a  desirable  education  for  a  gentleman." 
He  ought  to  "  become  acquainted  with  men  and  things 
rather  than  books."  Books  must  serve  only  to  deepen 
and  widen  the  knowledge  he  should  get  by  observation 
and  a  free  intercourse  with  those  about  him.  When 
Virginians  wrote,  therefore,  you  might  look  to  find  them 
using,  not  studied  phrases,  but  a  style  that  smacked 
fresh  of  all  the  free  elements  of  good  talk — not  like 
scholars  or  professed  students,  but  like  gentlemen  of 
leisure  and  cultivated  men  of  affairs — with  a  subtle,  not 


"  THEY   READ   ONLY  UPON   OCCASION,  WHEN   THE  WEATHER   DARKENED 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  31 

unpleasing  flavor  of  egotism,  and  the  racy  directness  of 
speech,  withal,  that  men  may  use  who  are  sure  of  their 
position.  Such  was  the  writing  of  Robert  Beverley, 
whose  History  and  Present  State  of  Virginia,  published 
in  London  in  1705,  spoke  at  first  hand  and  authorita 
tively  of  affairs  of  which  the  world  had  heard  hitherto 
only  by  uncertain  report.  He  did  not  write  the  manly 
book  because  he  had  a  pricking  ambition  to  be  an  au 
thor,  but  because  he  loved  Virginia,  and  wished  to  give 
such  an  account  of  her  affairs  as  would  justify  his  pride 
in  her.  He  came  of  an  ancient  English  family,  whose 
ample  means  were  scarcely  more  considerable  in  Virginia 
than  they  had  been  in  Beverley,  in  Yorkshire.  He  had 
himself  been  carefully  educated  in  England,  and  had 
learned  to  feel  very  much  at  home  there ;  but  the  at 
tractions  of  the  old  home  did  not  wean  him  from  his 
love  of  the  new,  where  he  had  been  born — that  quiet 
land  where  men  dealt  with  one  another  so  frankly, 
where  Nature  was  so  genial  in  all  her  moods,  and  men 
so  without  pretence.  Official  occupations  gave  him  oc 
casion  while  yet  a  very  young  man  to  handle  familiar 
ly  the  records  of  the  colony,  the  intimate  letters  of  its 
daily  life,  and  he  took  a  proud  man's  pleasure  in  ex 
tracting  from  them,  and  from  the  traditions  of  those 
wrho  still  carried  much  of  the  simple  history  in  their 
own  recollections  of  a  stirring  life,  a  frank  and  genial 
story  of  what  had  been  done  and  seen  in  Virginia. 
And  so  his  book  became  "  the  living  testimony  of  a 
proud  and  generous  Virginian" — too  proud  to  conceal 
his  opinions  or  withhold  censure  where  it  was  merited, 
too  generous  not  to  set  down  very  handsomely  whatever 
was  admirable  and  of  good  report  in  the  life  of  his  peo 
ple.  His  own  manly  character,  speaking  out  every- 


32  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

where,  as  it  does,  in  lively  phrase  and  candid  meaning, 
is  itself  evidence  of  the  wholesome  native  air  he  so 
praises  in  Virginia. 

He  thought  himself  justified  in  loving  a  country 
where  "  plantations,  orchards,  and  gardens  constantly 
afford  fragrant  and  delightful  walks.  In  their  woods 
and  fields  they  have  an  unknown  variety  of  vegetables 
and  other  rarities  of  nature  to  discover  and  observe. 
They  have  hunting,  fishing,  and  fowling,  with  which 
they  entertain  themselves  in  a  thousand  ways.  Here  is 
the  most  good  nature  and  hospitality  practised  in  the 
world,  both  towards  friends  and  strangers ;  but  the 
worst  of  it  is  this  generosity  is  attended  now  and  then 
with  a  little  too  much  intemperance.  The  neighborhood 
is  at  much  the  same  distance  as  in  the  country  in  Eng 
land,  but  with  this  advantage,  that  all  the  better  sort  of 
people  have  been  abroad  and  seen  the  world,  by  which 
means  they  are  free  from  that  stiffness  and  formality 
which  discover  more  civility  than  kindness.  And  be 
sides,  the  goodness  of  the  roads  and  the  fairness  of  the 
weather  bring  people  oftener  together." 

Of  a  like  quality  of  genuineness  and  good  breeding  is 
the  writing  of  Colonel  William  Byrd,  the  accomplished 
master  of  Westover,  who  was  of  the  same  generation. 
He  may  well  have  been  the  liveliest  man  in  Virginia,  so 
piquant  and  irrepressible  is  the  humor  that  runs  through 
almost  every  sentence  he  ever  wrote.  It  must  be  he 
wrote  for  pastime.  He  never  took  the  pains  to  publish 
anything.  His  manuscripts  lay  buried  a  hundred  years 
or  more  in  the  decent  sepulture  of  private  possession  ere 
they  were  printed,  but  were  even  then  as  quick  as  when 
they  were  written.  Beverley  had  often  a  grave  smile 
for  what  he  recorded,  or  a  quiet  sarcasm  of  tone  in  the 


IN   WASHINGTON'S  DAT  33 

telling  of  it.  "  The  militia  are  the  only  standing  forces 
in  Virginia,"  he  says,  very  demurely,  and  "  they  are 
happy  in  the  enjoyment  of  an  everlasting  peace."  But 
Colonel  Byrd  is  very  merry,  like  a  man  of  sense,  not 
contriving  the  jest,  but  only  letting  it  slip,  revealing  it ; 
looks  very  shrewdly  into  things,  and  very  wisely,  too, 
but  with  an  easy  eye,  a  disengaged  conscience,  keeping 
tally  of  the  score  like  one  who  attends  but  is  not  too 
deeply  concerned.  He  was,  in  fact,  very  deeply  en 
gaged  in  all  affairs  of  importance — no  man  more  deeply 
or  earnestly  ;  but  when  he  wrote  'twas  not  his  chief 
business  to  speak  of  that.  He  was  too  much  of  a  gen 
tleman  and  too  much  of  a  wit  to  make  grave  boast  of 
what  he  was  doing. 

No  man  born  in  Virginia  had  a  greater  property  than 
he,  a  house  more  luxuriously  appointed,  or  a  part  to 
play  more  princely  ;  and  no  man  knew  the  value  of 
position  and  wealth  and  social  consideration  more  ap 
preciatively.  His  breeding  had  greatly  quickened  his 
perception  of  such  things.  He  had  had  a  long  training 
abroad,  had  kept  very  noble  company  alike  in  England 
and  on  the  Continent,  had  been  called  to  the  bar  in  the 
Middle  Temple  and  chosen  a  Fellow  of  the  Koyal 
Society,  and  so  had  won  his  freedom  of  the  world  of 
letters  and  of  affairs.  Yet  he  had  returned  to  Virginia, 
as  all  her  sons  did,  with  only  an  added  zest  to  serve  and 
enjoy  her.  Many  designs  for  her  development  throve 
because  of  his  interest  and  encouragement;  he  sought 
her  advantage  jealously  in  her  Council,  as  her  agent  in 
England,  as  owner  of  great  tracts  of  her  fertile  lands. 
'Twas  he  who  brought  to  her  shores  some  of  her  best 
settlers,  gave  her  promise  of  veritable  towns  at  Eich- 
mond  and  Petersburg,  fought  arbitrary  power  wherever 


34  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

it  showed  itself  in  her  government,  and  proved  himself 
in  every  way  "  a  true  and  worthy  inheritor  of  the  feel 
ings  and  opinions  of  the  old  cavaliers  of  Virginia."  But 
through  all  his  busy  life  he  carried  himself  like  the 
handsome,  fortunate  man  he  was,  with  a  touch  of  gayety, 
a  gallant  spirit  of  comradeship,  a  zest  for  good  books, 
spirited  men,  and  comely  women — heartily,  like  a  man 
who,  along  with  honor,  sought  the  right  pleasures  of 
the  world. 

Nothing  daunted  the  spirits  of  this  manly  gentleman, 
not  even  rough  work  at  the  depths  of  the  forest,  upon 
the  public  business  of  determining  the  southern  boun 
dary-line  of  the  colony,  or  upon  the  private  business  of 
seeing  to  his  own  distant  properties  in  North  Carolina. 
It  gave  him  only  the  better  chance  to  see  the  world ; 
and  he  was  never  at  a  loss  for  something  to  do.  There 
were  stray  books  to  be  found  even  in  the  cabins  of  the 
remotest  settlers ;  or,  if  not,  there  was  the  piquant  liter 
ary  gossip  of  those  laughing  times  of  Queen  Anne,  but 
just  gone  by,  to  rehearse  and  comment  upon.  Colonel 
Byrd  was  not  at  a  loss  to  find  interesting  ways  in  which 
even  a  busy  man  might  make  shift  to  enjoy  "  the  Caro 
lina  felicity  of  having  nothing  to  do."  A  rough  people 
lived  upon  that  frontier  in  his  day,  who  showed  them 
selves  very  anxious  to  be  put  upon  the  southern  side  of 
the  line ;  for,  if  taken  into  Virginia,  "  they  must  have 
submitted  to  some  sort  of  order  and  government; 
whereas  in  North  Carolina  every  one  does  what  seems 
best  in  his  own  eyes."  "They  pay  no  tribute,"  he 
laughs,  "  either  to  God  or  to  Ca3sar."  It  would  not  be 
amiss,  he  thinks,  were  the  clergy  in  Virginia,  once  in 
two  or  three  years — not  to  make  the  thing  burdensome 
— to  "take  a  turn  among  these  gentiles."  "  'T would 


JAMES   BLAIR 


IN   WASHINGTON'S   DAY  35 

look  a  little  apostolical,"  he  argues,  with  the  character 
istic  twinkle  in  his  eye,  "  and  they  might  hope  to  be  re 
quited  for  it  hereafter,  if  that  be  not  thought  too  long 
to  tarry  for  their  reward."  A  stray  parson  was  to  be 
found  once  and  again  even  at  the  depths  of  the  forest — 
on  the  Virginian  side — though  to  find  his  humble  quar 
ters  you  must  needs  thread  "  a  path  as  narrow  as  that 
which  leads  to  heaven,  but  much  more  dirty " ;  but  a 
stray  parson  was  no  great  evangel.  Colonel  Byrd  was 
too  sound  a  gentleman  not  to  be  a  good  churchman ;  but 
he  accounted  it  no  sin  to  see  where  the  humor  lurks 
even  in  church.  "  Mr.  Betty,  the  parson  of  the  parish, 
entertained  us  with  a  good,  honest  sermon,"  he  chroni 
cles  upon  occasion ;  "  but  whether  he  bought  it,  or  bor 
rowed  it,  would  have  been  uncivil  in  us  to  inquire  Be 
that  as  it  will,  he  is  a  decent  man,  with  a  double  chin 
that  fits  gracefully  over  his  band.  .  .  .  When  church  was 
done  we  refreshed  our  teacher  with  a  glass  of  wine,  and 
then,  receiving  his  blessing,  took  horse.7'  'Tis  likely 
Colonel  Byrd  would  have  found  small  amusement  in 
narrating  the  regular  course  of  his  life,  his  great  errands 
and  permanent  concerns  of  weighty  business.  That  he 
could  as  well  leave  to  his  biographer,  should  he  chance 
to  have  one.  For  himself,  he  chose  to  tell  the  unusual 
things  he  had  seen  and  heard  and  taken  part  in,  and  to 
make  merry  as  well  as  he  might  by  the  way. 

The  Virginian  writers  were  not  all  country  gentle 
men.  There  were  austere  and  stately  scholars,  too,  like 
the  Reverend  William  Stith,  who  had  held  modest  liv 
ings  in  more  than  one  parish,  had  served  the  House  of 
Burgesses  as  chaplain,  and  the  college,  first  as  instructor 
and  then  as  president,  until  at  length,  having  won  "  per 
fect  leisure  and  retirement,"  he  set  himself  in  his  last 


36  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

days  to  straighten  into  order  the  confusion  of  early  Vir 
ginian  history.  "  Such  a  work,"  he  reflected,  "  will  be  a 
noble  and  elegant  entertainment  for  my  vacant  hours, 
which  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  employ  more  to  my  own 
satisfaction,  or  the  use  and  benefit  of  my  country." 
What  with  his  scholarly  IOVJB  of  documents  set  forth  at 
length,  however,  his  painstaking  recital  of  details,  and 
his  roundabout,  pedantic  style,  his  story  of  the  first  sev 
enteen  years  of  the  colony  lingered  through  a  whole 
volume;  and  his  friends'  laggard  subscriptions  to  that 
single  prolix  volume  discouraged  him  from  undertaking 
another.  There  was  neither  art  nor  quick  movement 
enough  in  such  work,  much  as  scholars  have  prized  it 
since,  to  take  the  taste  of  a  generation  that  lived  its 
life  on  horseback  and  spiced  it  with  rough  sport  and 
direct  speech.  They  could  read  with  more  patience  the 
plain,  business-like  sentences  of  the  Reverend  Hugh 
Jones's  Present  State  of  Virginia,  and  with  more  zest 
the  downright,  telling  words  in  which  the  Reverend 
James  Blair,  "  commissary  "  to  the  Bishop  of  London, 
spoke  of  their  affairs. 

James  Blair,  though  born  and  bred  in  Scotland,  edu 
cated  at  Edinburgh,  and  engaged  as  a  minister  at  home 
till  he  was  close  upon  thirty  years  of  age,  was  as  much 
a  Virginian  in  his  life  and  deeds  as  any  man  born  in 
the  Old  Dominion.  'Twas  he  who  had  been  the  chief 
founder  of  the  College  of  William  and  Mary,  and  who 
had  served  it  as  president  through  every  vicissitude  of 
fortune  for  fifty  years.  For  fifty  years  he  was  a  mem 
ber,  too,  of  the  King's  Council  in  the  colony,  and  for 
fifty-eight  the  chief  adviser  of  the  mother  Church  in 
England  concerning  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  Virginia. 
"  Probably  no  other  man  in  the  colonial  time  did  so 


IN   WASHINGTON'S  DAY  37 

much  for  the  intellectual  life  of  Virginia "  as  did  this 
"sturdy  and  faithful"  Scotsman.  To  the  colonists, 
oftentimes,  he  seemed  overbearing,  dictatorial  even,  and, 
for  all  their  "  gentlemanly  conformity  to  the  Church  of 
England,"  they  did  not  mean  to  suffer  any  man  to  be 
set  over  them  as  bishop  in  Virginia ;  while  to  the  royal 
governors  he  seemed  sometimes  a  headstrong  agitator 
and  demagogue,  so  stoutly  did  he  stand  up  for  the  lib 
erties  of  the  people  among  whom  he  had  cast  his  lot. 
He  was  in  all  things  a  doughty  Scot.  He  made  very 
straight  for  the  ends  he  deemed  desirable ;  dealt  frank 
ly,  honestly,  fearlessly  with  all  men  alike ;  confident  of 
being  in  the  right  even  when  he  was  in  the  wrong ;  deal 
ing  with  all  as  he  thought  he  ought  to  deal,  "  whether 
they  liked  it  or  not";  incapable  of  discouragement,  as  he 
was  also  incapable  of  dishonor ;  a  stalwart,  formidable 
master  of  all  work  in  church  and  college,  piling  up 
every  day  to  his  credit  a  great  debt  of  gratitude  from 
the  colony,  which  honored  him  without  quite  liking  him. 
It  was  very  noteworthy  that  masterful  men  of  many 
kinds  took  an  irresistible  liking  to  Virginia,  though  they 
were  but  sent  upon  an  errand  to  it.  There  was  Alex 
ander  Spots  wood,  for  example,  who,  after  he  had  been 
twelve  years  Lieutenant -Governor  in  the  stead  of  his 
lordship  the  Earl  of  Orkney,  spent  eighteen  more  good 
years,  all  he  had  left,  upon  the  forty-odd  thousand  acres 
of  land  he  had  acquired  in  the  fair  colony,  as  a  country 
gentleman,  very  busy  developing  the  manufacture  of 
iron,  and  as  busy  as  there  was  any  need  to  be  as  Post 
master-General  of  the  colonies.  He  came  of  a  sturdy 
race  of  gentlemen,  had  se^n  service  along  with  Marlbor- 
ough  and  my  uncle  Toby  "  with  the  army  in  Flanders," 
had  gone  much  about  the  world  upon  many  errands 


38  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

and  seen  all  manner  of  people,  and  then  had  found  him 
self  at  last  in  Virginia  when  he  was  past  forty.  For  all 
its  rough  life,  he  liked  the  Old  Dominion  well  enough 
to  adopt  it  as  his  home.  There  wras  there,  he  said, 
"  less  swearing,  less  profaneness,  less  drunkenness  and 
debauchery,  less  uncharitable  feuds  and  animosities, 
and  less  knavery  and  villany  than  in  any  part  of  the 
world  "  where  his  lot  had  been.  Not  all  of  his  neigh 
bors  were  gentlemen ;  not  very  many  could  afford  to 
send  their  sons  to  England  to  be  educated.  Men  of  all 
sorts  had  crowded  into  Virginia :  merchants  and  gentle 
men  not  a  few,  but  also  commoner  men  a  great  many — 
mariners,  artisans,  tailors,  and  men  without  settled  trades 
or  handicrafts  of  any  kind.  Spotswood  had  found  it  no 
easy  matter  when  he  was  Governor  to  deal  patiently 
with  a  House  of  Burgesses  to  which  so  many  men  of 
"  mean  understandings  "  had  been  sent,  and  had  allowed 
himself  to  wax  very  sarcastic  when  he  found  how  igno 
rant  some  of  them  were.  "  I  observe,"  he  said,  tartly, 
"that  the  grand  ruling  party  in  your  House  has  not 
furnished  chairmen  of  two  of  your  standing  committees 
who  can  spell  English  or  write  common  -  sense,  as  the 
grievances  under  their  own  handwriting  will  manifest." 
'Twas  not  a  country,  either,  where  one  could  travel 
much  at  ease,  for  one  must  ford  the  streams  for  lack 
of  bridges,  and  keep  an  eye  sharply  about  him  as  he 
travelled  the  rude  forest  roads  when  the  wind  was  high 
lest  a  rotten  tree  should  fall  upon  him.  Nature  was  so 
bountiful,  yielded  so  easy  a  largess  of  food,  that  few  men 
took  pains  to  be  thrifty,  and  some  parts  of  the  colony 
were  little  more  advanced  in  the  arts  of  life  than  North 
Carolina,  where,  Colonel  Byrd  said,  nothing  was  dear 
"but  law,  physic,  and  strong  drink."  No  doubt  the 


ALEXANDER   SPOTSWOOD 


IN  WASHINGTON'S  DAY  39 

average  colonist  in  Virginia,  when  not  sobered  by  im 
portant  cares,  was  apt  to  be  a  fellow  of  coarse  fibre, 
whose 

"  addiction  was  to  courses  vain  ; 

His  companies  unlettered,  rude,  and  shallow  ; 

His  hours  flll'd  up  with  riots,  banquets,  sports  ; 

And  never  noted  in  him  any  study, 

Any  retirement,  any  sequestration 

From  open  haunts  and  popularity." 

But  to  many  a  scapegrace  had  come  "reformation  in 
a  flood,  with  such  a  heady  current,  scouring  faults,"  as 
to  make  a  notable  man  of  him.  There  were  at  least 
the  traditions  of  culture  in  the  colony,  and  enough  men 
of  education  and  refinement  to  leaven  the  mass.  Life 
ran  generously,  even  if  roughly,  upon  the  scattered 
plantations,  and  strong,  thinking,  high-bred  men  had 
somehow  a  mastery  and  leadership  in  it  all  which  made 
them  feel  Yirginia  their  home  and  field  of  honor. 

Change  of  time  and  of  affairs,  the  stir  of  growing  life 
in  Yirginia  as  she  ceased  from  being  a  mere  colony  and 
became  a  sturdy  commonwealth,  boasting  her  own 
breed  of  gentlemen,  merchants,  scholars,  and  statesmen, 
laid  upon  the  Washingtons,  as  upon  other  men,  a  touch 
of  transformation.  Seventy-six  years  had  gone  by  since 
John  Washington  came  out  of  Bedfordshire  and  took  up 
lands  on  Bridges'  Creek  in  Westmoreland  in  Yirginia, 
and  still  his  children  were  to  be  found  in  the  old  seats 
he  had  chosen  at  the  first.  They  had  become  thorough 
Yirginians  with  the  rest,  woven  into  the  close  fibre  of 
the  new  life.  Westmoreland  and  all  the  counties  that 
lay  about  it  on  the  Northern  Neck  were  strictly  of  a 
piece  with  the  rest  of  Yirginia,  for  all  they  had  waited 
long  to  be  settled.  There  the  Washingtons  had  become 


40  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

country  gentlemen  of  comfortable  estate  upon  the  ac 
cepted  model.  John  had  begotten  Lawrence,  and  Law 
rence  had  begotten  Augustine.  John  had  thriftily  taken 
care  to  see  his  offspring  put  in  a  way  to  prosper  at  the 
very  first.  He  had  acquired  a  substantial  property  of 
his  own  where  the  land  lay  very  fertile  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Potomac,  and  he  had,  besides,  by  three  marriages, 
made  good  a  very  close  connection  with  several  fami 
lies  that  had  thriven  thereabouts  before  him.  He  had 
become  a  notable  figure,  indeed,  among  his  neighbors 
ere  he  had  been  many  years  in  the  colony — a  colonel  in 
their  militia,  and  their  representative  in  the  House  of 
Burgesses ;  and  they  had  not  waited  for  his  death  to  call 
the  parish  in  which  he  lived  Washington  Parish.  His 
sons  and  grandsons,  though  they  slackened  a  little  the 
pace  he  had  set  them  in  his  energy  at  the  outset,  throve 
none  the  less  substantially  upon  the  estates  he  had  left 
them,  abated  nothing  of  the  dignity  and  worth  they  had 
inherited,  lived  simply,  and  kept  their  place  of  respect 
in  the  parish  and  state.  Wars  came  and  went  without 
disturbing  incident  for  them,  as  the  French  moved  upon 
the  borders  by  impulse  of  politics  from  over  sea ;  and 
then  long  peace  set  in,  equally  without  incident,  to  stay 
a  whole  generation,  while  good  farming  went  quietly 
forward,  and  politicians  at  home  and  in  the  colonies 
planned  another  move  in  their  game.  It  was  in  the 
mid-season  of  this  time  of  poise,  preparation,  and  expect 
ancy  that  George  Washington  was  born,  on  the  22d  of 
February,  in  the  year  1732,  "  about  ten  in  the  morning," 
William  Gooch,  gentlest  of  Marlborough's  captains,  be 
ing  Governor  in  Virginia.  He  came  into  the  world  at 
the  plain  but  spacious  homestead  on  Bridges'  Creek, 
fourth  son,  fifth  child,  of  Augustine  Washington,  and  of 


IN  WASHINGTON'S   DAY  41 

the  third  generation  from  John  "Washington,  son  of  the 
one-time  rector  of  Purleigh.  The  homestead  stood  upon 
a  green  and  gentle  slope  that  fell  away,  at  but  a  little 
distance,  to  the  waters  of  the  Potomac,  and  from  it 
could  be  seen  the  broad  reaches  of  the  stream  stretching 
wide  to  the  Maryland  shore  beyond,  and  flooding  with 
slow,  full  tide  to  the  great  bay  below.  The  spot  gave 
token  of  the  quiet  youth  of  the  boy,  of  the  years  of 
grateful  peace  in  which  he  was  to  learn  the  first  lessons 
of  life,  ere  war  and  the  changing  fortunes  of  his  coun 
try  hurried  him  to  the  field  and  to  the  council. 


FAC-SIMILE    OF   TUB    ENTRY    OF    WASHINGTON'S   BIRTH    IN    HIS    MOTHER'S    BIBLE 


A  YIKGINIAN  BEEEDING 


CHAPTER  II 

GEOEGE  WASHINGTON  was  cast  for  his  career  by  a  very 
scant  and  homely  training.  Augustine  Washington,  his 
father,  lacked  neither  the  will  nor  the  means  to  set  him 
handsomely  afoot,  with  as  good  a  schooling,  both  in 
books  and  in  affairs,  as  was  to  be  had ;  he  would  have 
done  all  that  a  liberal  and  provident  man  should  do  to 
advance  his  boy  in  the  world,  had  he  lived  to  go  with 
him  through  his  youth.  He  owned  land  in  four  coun 
ties,  more  than  five  thousand  acres  all  told,  and  lying 
upon  both  the  rivers  that  refresh  the  fruitful  Northern 
Neck ;  besides  several  plots  of  ground  in  the  promising 
village  of  Fredericks  burg,  which  lay  opposite  his  lands 
upon  the  Kappahannock ;  and  one-twelfth  part  of  the 
stock  of  the  Principio  Iron  Company,  whose  mines  and 
furnaces  in  Maryland  and  Virginia  yielded  a  better  profit 
than  any  others  in  the  two  colonies.  He  had  com 
manded  a  ship  in  his  time,  as  so  many  of  his  neighbors 
had  in  that  maritime  province,  carrying  iron  from  the 
mines  to  England,  and  no  doubt  bringing  convict  labor 
ers  back  upon  his  voyage  home  again.  He  himself 
raised  the  ore  from  the  mines  that  lay  upon  his  own 
land,  close  to  the  Potomac,  and  had  it  carried  the  easy 
six  miles  to  the  river.  Matters  were  very  well  managed 
there,  Colonel  Byrd  said,  and  no  pains  were  spared  to 
make  the  business  profitable.  Captain  Washington  had 


46  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

represented  his  home  parish  of  Truro,  too,  in  the  House 
of  Burgesses,  where  his  athletic  figure,  his  ruddy  skin, 
and  frank  gray  eyes  must  have  made  him  as  conspicuous 
as  his  constituents  could  have  wished.  He  was  a  man 
of  the  world,  every  inch,  generous,  hardy,  independent. 
He  lived  long  enough,  too,  to  see  how  stalwart  and 
capable  and  of  how  noble  a  spirit  his  young  son  was  to 
be,  with  how  manly  a  bearing  he  was  to  carry  himself  in 
the  world ;  and  had  loved  him  and  made  him  his  compan 
ion  accordingly.  But  the  end  came  for  him  before  he 
could  see  the  lad  out  of  boyhood.  He  died  April  12, 
1743,  when  he  was  but  forty-nine  years  of  age,  and  be 
fore  George  was  twelve ;  and  in  his  will  there  was,  of 
course,  for  George  only  a  younger  son's  portion.  The 
active  gentleman  had  been  twice  married,  and  there  were 
seven  children  to  be  provided  for.  Two  sons  of  the  first 
marriage  survived.  The  bulk  of  the  estate  went,  as 
Virginian  custom  dictated,  to  Lawrence,  the  eldest  son. 
To  Augustine,  the  second  son,  fell  most  of  the  rich  lands 
in  Westmoreland.  George,  the  eldest  born  of  the  second 
marriage,  left  to  the  guardianship  of  his  young  mother, 
shared  with  the  four  younger  children  the  residue  of  the 
estate.  He  was  to  inherit  his  father's  farm  upon  the 
Rappahannock,  to  possess,  and  to  cultivate  if  he  would, 
when  he  should  come  of  age ;  but  for  the  rest  his  fort 
unes  were  to  make.  He  must  get  such  serviceable 
training  as  he  could  for  a  life  of  independent  endeavor. 
The  two  older  brothers  had  been  sent  to  England  to  get 
their  schooling  and  preparation  for  life,  as  their  father 
before  them  had  been  to  get  his — Lawrence  to  make 
ready  to  take  his  father's  place  when  the  time  should 
come ;  Augustine,  it  was  at  first  planned,  to  fit  himself 
for  the  law.  George  could  now  look  for  nothing  of  the 


A  VIRGINIAN   BREEDING  47 

kind.  He  must  continue,  as  he  had  begun,  to  get  such 
elementary  and  practical  instruction  as  was  to  be  had  of 
schoolmasters  in  Virginia,  and  the  young  mother's  care 
must  stand  him  in  the  stead  of  a  father's  pilotage  and 
oversight. 

Fortunately  Mary  Washington  was  a  wise  and  provi 
dent  mother,  a  woman  of  too  firm  a  character  and  too 
steadfast  a  courage  to  be  dismayed  by  responsibility. 
She  had  seemed  only  a  fair  and  beautiful  girl  when 
Augustine  Washington  married  her,  and  there  was  a 
romantic  story  told  of  how  that  gallant  Virginian  sailor 
and  gentleman  had  literally  been  thrown  at  her  feet  out 
of  a  carriage  in  the  London  streets  by  way  of  introduc 
tion — where  she,  too,  was  a  visiting  stranger  out  of  Vir 
ginia.  But  she  had  shown  a  singular  capacity  for  busi 
ness  when  the  romantic  days  of  courtship  were  over. 
Lawrence  Washington,  too,  though  but  five-and-twenty 
when  his  father  died  and  left  him  head  of  the  family, 
proved  himself  such  an  elder  brother  as  it  could  but  bet 
ter  and  elevate  a  boy  to  have.  For  all  he  was  so  young, 
he  had  seen  something  of  the  world,  and  had  already 
made  notable  friends.  He  had  not  returned  home  out 
of  England  until  he  was  turned  of  twenty-one,  and  he 
had  been  back  scarcely  a  twelvemonth  before  he  was 
off  again,  to  seek  service  in  the  war  against  Spain.  The 
colonies  had  responded  with  an  unwonted  willingness 
and  spirit  in  1740  to  the  home  government's  call  for 
troops  to  go  against  the  Spaniard  in  the  West  Indies ;  and 
Lawrence  Washington  had  sought  and  obtained  a  com 
mission  as  captain  in  the  Virginian  regiment  which  had 
volunteered  for  the  duty.  He  had  seen  those  terrible 
days  at  Cartagena,  with  Vernon's  fleet  and  Wentworth's 
army,  when  the  deadly  heat  and  blighting  damps  of  the 


48  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

tropics  wrought  a  work  of  death  which  drove  the  Eng 
lish  forth  as  no  fire  from  the  Spanish  cannon  could.  He 
had  been  one  of  that  devoted  force  which  threw  itself 
twelve  hundred  strong  upon  Fort  San  Lazaro,  and  came 
away  beaten  with  six  hundred  only.  He  had  seen  the 
raw  provincials  out  of  the  colonies  carry  themselves  as  gal 
lantly  as  any  veterans  through  all  the  fiery  trial ;  had  seen 
the  storm  and  the  valor,  the  vacillation  and  the  blunder 
ing,  and  the  shame  of  all  the  rash  affair ;  and  had  come 
away  the  friend  and  admirer  of  the  gallant  Yernon,  de 
spite  his  headstrong  folly  and  sad  miscarriage.  He  had 
reached  home  again,  late  in  the  year  1742,  only  to  see 
his  father  presently  snatched  away  by  a  sudden  illness, 
and  to  find  himself  become  head  of  the  family  in  his 
stead.  All  thought  of  further  service  away  from  home 
was  dismissed.  He  accepted  a  commission  as  major  in 
the  colonial  militia,  and  an  appointment  as  adjutant- 
general  of  the  military  district  in  which  his  lands  lay ; 
but  he  meant  that  for  the  future  his  duties  should  be 
civil  rather  than  military  in  the  life  he  set  himself  to 
live,  and  turned  very  quietly  to  the  business  and  the 
social  duty  of  a  proprietor  among  his  neighbors  in 
Fairfax  County,  upon  the  broad  estates  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  Mount  Vernon,  in  compliment  to  the 
brave  sailor  whose  friend  he  had  become  in  the  far,  un 
happy  South. 

Marriage  was,  of  course,  his  first  step  towards  domes 
tication,  and  the  woman  he  chose  brought  him  into  new 
connections  which  suited  both  his  tastes  and  his  train 
ing.  Three  months  after  his  father's  death  he  married 
Anne  Fairfax,  daughter  to  William  Fairfax,  his  neigh 
bor.  'Twas  William  Fairfax's  granduncle  Thomas, 
third  Lord  Fairfax,  who  had  in  that  revolutionary  year 


THOMAS,   SIXTH   LORD   FAIRFAX 


A   VIRGINIAN  BREEDING  49 

1646  summoned  Colonel  Henry  Washington  to  give  into 
his  hands  the  city  of  Worcester,  and  who  had  got  so  sharp 
an  answer  from  the  King's  stout  soldier.  But  the  Fair 
faxes  had  soon  enough  turned  royalists  again  when  they 
saw  whither  the  Parliament  men  would  carry  them.  A 
hundred  healing  years  had  gone  by  since  those  unhappy 
days  when  the  nation  was  arrayed  against  the  King. 
Anne  Fairfax  brought  no  alien  tradition  to  the  house 
hold  of  her  young  husband.  Her  father  had  served  the 
King,  as  her  lover  had — with  more  hardship  than  re 
ward,  as  behooved  a  soldier — in  Spain  and  in  the  Baha 
mas  ;  and  was  now,  when  turned  of  fifty,  agent  here  in 
Virginia  to  his  cousin  Thomas,  sixth  Baron  Fairfax,  in 
the  management  of  his  great  estates,  lying  upon  the 
Northern  ISTeck  and  in  the  fruitful  valleys  beyond. 
William  Fairfax  had  been  but  nine  years  in  the  colony, 
but  he  was  already  a  Virginian  like  his  neighbors,  and, 
as  collector  of  his  Majesty's  customs  for  the  South  Po 
tomac  and  President  of  the  King's  Council,  no  small 
figure  in  their  affairs — a  man  who  had  seen  the  world 
and  knew  how  to  bear  himself  in  this  part  of  it. 

In  1746  Thomas,  Lord  Fairfax,  himself  came  to  Vir 
ginia — a  man  strayed  out  of  the  world  of  fashion  at 
fifty-five  into  the  forests  of  a  wild  frontier.  The  better 
part  of  his  ancestral  estates  in  Yorkshire  had  been  sold 
to  satisfy  the  creditors  of  his  spendthrift  father.  These 
untilled  stretches  of  land  in  the  Old  Dominion  were  now 
become  the  chief  part  of  his  patrimony.  'Twas  said, 
too,  that  he  had  suffered  a  cruel  misadventure  in  love  at 
the  hands  of  a  fair  jilt  in  London,  and  so  had  become 
the  austere,  eccentric  bachelor  he  showed  himself  to  be 
in  the  free  and  quiet  colony.  A  man  of  taste  and  cult 
ure,  he  had  written  with  Addison  and  Steele  for  the 

4 


50  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Spectator y  a  man  of  the  world,  he  had  acquired,  for  all 
his  reserve,  that  easy  touch  and  intimate  mastery  in 
dealing  with  men  which  come  with  the  long  practice 
of  such  men  of  fashion  as  are  also  men  of  sense.  He 
brought  with  him  to  Virginia,  though  past  fifty,  the 
fresh  vigor  of  a  young  man  eager  for  the  free  pioneer 
life  of  such  a  province.  He  tarried  but  two  years  with 
his  cousin,  where  the  colony  had  settled  to  an  ordered 
way  of  living.  Then  he  built  himself  a  roomy  lodge, 
shadowed  by  spreading  piazzas,  and  fitted  with  such 
simple  appointments  as  sufficed  for  comfort  at  the 
depths  of  the  forest,  close  upon  seventy  miles  away, 
within  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  where  a  hardy 
frontier  people  had  but  begun  to  gather.  The  great 
manor-house  he  had  meant  to  build  was  never  begun. 
The  plain  comforts  of  "  Green  way  Court "  satisfied  him 
more  and  more  easily  as  the  years  passed,  and  the  habits 
of  a  simple  life  grew  increasingly  pleasant  and  familiar, 
till  thirty  years  and  more  had  slipped  away  and  he  was" 
dead,  at  ninety-one — broken-hearted,  men  said,  because 
the  King's  government  had  fallen  upon  final  defeat  and 
was  done  with  in  America. 

It  was  in  the  company  of  these  men,  and  of  those 
who  naturally  gathered  about  them  in  that  hospita 
ble  country,  that  George  Washington  was  bred.  "A 
stranger  had  no  more  to  do,"  says  Beverley,  "  but  to  in 
quire  upon  the  road  where  any  gentleman  or  good 
housekeeper  lived,  and  there  he  might  depend  upon  be 
ing  received  with  hospitality  " ;  and  'twas  certain  many 
besides  strangers  would  seek  out  the  young  major  at 
Mount  Yernon  whom  his  neighbors  had  hastened  to 
make  their  representative  in  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
and  the  old  soldier  of  the  soldierly  house  of  Fairfax 


A  VIRGINIAN  BREEDING  51 

who  was  President  of  the  King's  Council,  and  so  next 
to  the  Governor  himself.  A  boy  who  was  much  at 
Mount  Yernon  and  at  Mr.  Fairfax's  seat,  Belvoir,  might 
expect  to  see  not  a  little  that  was  worth  seeing  of  the 
life  of  the  colony.  George  was  kept  at  school  until 
he  was  close  upon  sixteen ;  but  there  was  ample  vaca 
tion-time  for  visiting.  Mrs.  Washington  did  not  keep 
him  at  her  apron-strings.  He  even  lived,  when  it  was 
necessary,  with  his  brother  Augustine,  at  the  old  home 
on  Bridges'  Creek,  in  order  to  be  near  the  best  school 
that  was  accessible,  while  the  mother  was  far  away  on 
the  farm  that  lay  upon  the  Rappahannock.  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  saw  to  it,  nevertheless,  that  she  should  not  lose 
sight  of  him  altogether.  When  he  was  fourteen  it  was 
proposed  that  he  should  be  sent  to  sea,  as  so  many  lads 
were,  no  doubt,  from  that  maritime  province ;  but  the 
prudent  mother  preferred  he  should  not  leave  Virginia, 
and  the  schooling  went  on  as  before — the  schooling  of 
books  and  manly  sports.  Every  lad  learned  to  ride — to 
ride  colt  or  horse,  regardless  of  training,  gait,  or  temper 
—in  that  country,  where  no  one  went  afoot  except  to 
catch  his  mount  in  the  pasture.  Every  lad,  black  or 
white,  bond  or  free,  knew  where  to  find  and  how  to  take 
the  roving  game  in  the  forests.  And  young  Washing 
ton,  robust  boy  that  he  was,  not  to  be  daunted  while 
that  strong  spirit  sat  in  him  which  he  got  from  his 
father  and  mother  alike,  took  his  apprenticeship  on 
horseback  and  in  the  tangled  woods  with  characteristic 
zest  and  ardor. 

He  was,  above  all  things  else,  a  capable,  executive 
boy.  He  loved  mastery,  and  he  relished  acquiring  the 
most  effective  means  of  mastery  in  all  practical  affairs. 
His  very  exercise- books  used  at  school  gave  proof  of  it. 


52  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

They  were  filled,  not  only  with  the  rules,  formulae,  dia 
grams,  and  exercises  of  surveying,  which  he  was  taking- 
special  pains  to  learn,  at  the  advice  of  his  friends,  but 
also  with  careful  copies  of  legal  and  mercantile  papers, 
bills  of  exchange,  bills  of  sale,  bonds,  indentures,  land 
warrants,  leases,  deeds,  and  wills,  as  if  he  meant  to  be  a 
lawyer's  or  a  merchant's  clerk.  It  would  seem  that,  pas 
sionate  and  full  of  warm  blood  as  he  was,  he  conned 
these  things  as  he  studied  the  use  and  structure  of  his 
fowling-piece,  the  bridle  he  used  for  his  colts,  his  saddle- 
girth,  and  the  best  ways  of  mounting.  He  copied  these 
forms  of  business  as  he  might  have  copied  Beverley's 
account  of  the  way  fox  or  'possum  or  beaver  was  to  be 
taken  or  the  wild  turkey  trapped.  The  men  he  most 
admired — his  elder  brothers,  Mr.  Fairfax,  and  the  gentle 
men  planters  who  were  so  much  at  their  houses — were 
most  of  them  sound  men  of  business,  who  valued  good 
surveying  as  much  as  they  admired  good  horsemanship 
and  skill  in  sport.  They  were  their  own  merchants,  and 
looked  upon  forms  of  business  paper  as  quite  as  useful 
as  ploughs  and  hogsheads.  Careful  exercise  in  such 
matters  might  well  enough  accompany  practice  in  the 
equally  formal  minuet  in  Virginia.  And  so  this  boy 
learned  to  show  in  almost  everything  he  did  the  careful 
precision  of  the  perfect  marksman. 

In  the  autumn  of  1747,  when  he  was  not  yet  quite 
sixteen,  George  quit  his  formal  schooling,  and  presently 
joined  his  brother  Lawrence  at  Mount  Vernon,  to  seek 
counsel  and  companionship.  Lawrence  had  conceived  a 
strong  affection  for  his  manly  younger  brother.  Him 
self  a  man  of  spirit  and  honor,  he  had  a  high-hearted 
man's  liking  for  all  that  he  saw  that  was  indomitable 
and  well-purposed  in  the  lad,  a  generous  man's  tender- 


A  VIRGINIAN  BREEDING  53 

ness  in  looking  to  the  development  of  this  thoroughbred 
boy;  and  he  took  him  into  his  confidence  as  if  he  had 
been  his  own  son.  Not  only  upon  his  vacations  now,  but 
almost  when  he  would,  and  as  if  he  were  already  him 
self  a  man  with  the  rest,  he  could  live  in  the  comrade 
ship  that  obtained  at  Belvoir  and  Mount  Yernon.  Men 
of  all  sorts,  it  seemed,  took  pleasure  in  his  company. 
Lads  could  be  the  companions  of  men  in  Virginia.  Her 
outdoor  life  of  journeyings,  sport,  adventure,  put  them, 
as  it  were,  upon  equal  terms  with  their  elders,  where 
spirit,  audacity,  invention,  prudence,  manliness,  resource, 
told  for  success  and  comradeship.  Young  men  and  old 
can  be  companions  in  arms,  in  sport,  in  woodcraft,  and 
on  the  trail  of  the  fox.  'Twas  not  an  indoor  life  of 
conference,  but  an  outdoor  life  of  affairs  in  this  rural 
colony.  One  man,  indeed,  gave  at  least  a  touch  of  an 
other  quality  to  the  life  Washington  saw.  This  was 
Lord  Fairfax,  who  had  been  almost  two  years  in  Vir 
ginia  when  the  boy  quit  school,  and  who  was  now  deter 
mined,  as  soon  as  might  be,  to  take  up  his  residence  at 
his  forest  lodge  within  the  Blue  Kidge.  George  greatly 
struck  his  lordship's  fancy,  as  he  did  that  of  all  capable 
men,  as  a  daring  lad  in  the  hunt  and  a  sober  lad  in 
counsel ;  and,  drawn  into  such  companionship,  he  learned 
a  great  deal  that  no  one  else  in  Virginia  could  have 
taught  him  so  well — the  scrupulous  deportment  of  a 
hio-h-bred  and  honorable  man  of  the  world ;  the  use  of 

o 

books  by  those  who  preferred  affairs ;  the  way  in  which 
strength  may  be  rendered  gracious,  and  independence 
made  generous.  A  touch  of  Old  World  address  was  to 
be  learned  at  Belvoir. 

His  association  with  Lord  Fairfax,  moreover,  put  him 
in  the  way  of  making  his  first  earnings  as  a  surveyor. 


54  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Fairfax  had  not  come  to  America  merely  to  get  away 
from  the  world  of  fashion  in  London  and  bury  himself 
in  the  wilderness.  His  chief  motive  was  one  which  did 
him  much  more  credit,  and  bespoke  him  a  man  and  a 
true  colonist.  It  was  his  purpose,  he  declared,  to  open 
up,  settle,  and  cultivate  the  vast  tracts  of  beautiful  and 
fertile  land  he  had  inherited  in  Virginia,  and  he  proved 
his  sincerity  by  immediately  setting  about  the  business. 
It  was  necessary  as  a  first  step  that  he  should  have  sur 
veys  made,  in  order  that  he  might  know  how  his  lands 
lay,  how  bounded  and  disposed  through  the  glades  and 
upon  the  streams  of  the  untrodden  forests ;  and  in  young 
Washington  he  had  a  surveyor  ready  to  his  hand.  The 
lad  was  but  sixteen,  indeed ;  was  largely  self-taught  in 
surveying ;  and  had  had  no  business  yet  that  made  test 
of  his  quality.  But  surveyors  were  scarce,  and  boys 
were  not  tender  at  sixteen  in  that  robust,  out-of-door 
colony.  Fairfax  had  an  eye  for  capacity.  He  knew  the 
athletic  boy  to  be  a  fearless  woodsman,  with  that  odd, 
calm  judgment  looking  forth  at  his  steady  gray  eyes; 
perceived  how  seriously  he  took  himself  in  all  that  he 
did,  and  how  thorough  he  was  at  succeeding ;  and  had 
no  doubt  he  could  run  his  lines  through  the  thicketed 
forests  as  well  as  any  man.  At  any  rate,  he  commis 
sioned  him  to  undertake  the  task,  and  was  not  disap 
pointed  in  the  way  he  performed  it.  Within  a  very  few 
weeks  Washington  conclusively  showed  his  capacity. 
In  March,  1748,  with  George  Fairfax,  William  Fairfax's 
son,  for  company,  he  rode  forth  with  his  little  band  of 
assistants  through  the  mountains  to  the  wild  country 
where  his  work  lay,  and  within  the  month  almost  he 
was  back  again,  with  maps  and  figures  which  showed 
his  lordship  very  clearly  what  lands  he  had  upon  the 


A  VIRGINIAN   BREEDING  55 

sparkling  Shenandoah  and  the  swollen  upper  waters  of 
the  Potomac.  'Twas  all  he  wanted  before  making  his 
home  where  his  estate  lay  in  the  wilderness.  Before  the 
year  was  out  he  had  established  himself  at  Greenway 
Court ;  huntsmen  and  tenants  and  guests  had  found 
their  way  thither,  and  life  was  fairly  begun  upon  the 
rough  rural  barony. 

It  had  been  wild  and  even  perilous  work  for  the  young 
surveyor,  but  just  out  of  school,  to  go  in  the  wet  spring 
time  into  that  wilderness,  when  the  rivers  were  swollen 
and  ugly  with  the  rains  and  melting  snows  from  off  the 
mountains,  where  there  was  scarcely  a  lodging  to  be 
had  except  in  the  stray,  comfortless  cabins  of  the  scat 
tered  settlers,  or  on  the  ground  about  a  fire  in  the  open 
woods,  and  where  a  woodman's  wits  were  needed  to 
come  even  tolerably  off.  But  there  was  a  strong  relish 
in  such  an  experience  for  Washington,  which  did  not 
wear  off  with  the  novelty  of  it.  There  is  an  unmistaka 
ble  note  of  boyish  satisfaction  in  the  tone  in  which  he 
speaks  of  it.  "  Since  you  received  my  letter  in  October 
last,"  he  writes  to  a  young  comrade,  "  I  have  not  sleep'd 
above  three  nights  or  four  in  a  bed,  but,  after  walking  a 
good  deal  all  the  day,  I  lay  down  before  the  fire  upon  a 
little  hay,  straw,  fodder,  or  bear-skin,  whichever  is  to  be 
had,  with  man,  wife,  and  children,  like  a  parcel  of  dogs 
and  cats ;  and  happy  is  he  who  gets  the  berth  nearest 
the  fire.  ...  I  have  never  had  my  clothes  off,  but  lay 
and  sleep  in  them,  except  the  few  nights  I  have  lay'n 
in  Frederick  Town."  For  three  years  he  kept  steadily- 
at  the  trying  business,  without  loss  either  of  health  or 
courage,  now  deep  in  the  forests  laboriously  laying  off 
the  rich  bottom  lands  and  swelling  hill -sides  of  that 
wild  but  goodly  country  between  the  mountains,  now  at 


56  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Green  way  Court  with  his  lordship,  intent  upon  the  busy 
life  there, — following  the  hounds,  consorting  with  hunts 
men  and  Indians  and  traders,  waiting  upon  the  ladies 
who  now  and  again  visited  the  lodge ;  when  other  occu 
pations  failed,  reading  up  and  down  in  his  lordship's  copy 
of  the  Spectator,  or  in  the  historians  who  told  the  great 
English  story.  His  first  success  in  surveying  brought 
him  frequent  employment  in  the  valley.  Settlers  were 
steadily  making  their  way  thither,  who  must  needs  have 
their  holdings  clearly  bounded  and  defined.  Upon  his 
lordship's  recommendation  and  his  own  showing  of  what 
he  knew  and  could  do,  he  obtained  appointment  at  the 
hands  of  the  President  and  Master  of  William  and  Mary, 
the  colony's  careful  agent  in  the  matter,  as  official  sur 
veyor  for  Culpeper  County,  "  took  the  usual  oaths  to  his 
Majesty's  person  and  government,"  and  so  got  for  his 
>work  the  privilege  of  authoritative  public  record. 

Competent  surveyors  were  much  in  demand,  and, 
when  once  he  had  been  officially  accredited  in  his  pro 
fession,  Washington  had  as  much  to  do  both  upon  new 
lands  and  old  as  even  a  young  man's  energy  and  liking 
for  an  independent  income  could  reasonably  demand. 
His  home  he  made  with  his  brother  at  Mount  Vernon, 
where  he  was  always  so  welcome  ;  and  he  was  as  often  as 
possible  with  his  mother  at  her  place  upon  the  Eappa- 
hannock,  to  lend  the  efficient  lady  such  assistance  as  she 
needed  in  the  business  of  the  estate  she  held  for  herself 
and  her  children.  At  odd  intervals  he  studied  tactics, 
practised  the  manual  of  arms,  or  took  a  turn  at  the 
broadsword  with  the  old  soldiers  who  so  easily  found 
excuses  for  visiting  Major  Washington  at  Mount  Ver 
non.  But,  except  when  winter  weather  forbade  him  the 
fields,  he  was  abroad,  far  and  near,  busy  with  his  sur- 


-J 


A  VIRGINIAN    BREEDING  57 

veying,  and  incidentally  making  trial  of  his  neighbors 
up  and  down  all  the  country-side  round  about,  as  his 
errands  threw  their  open  doors  in  his  way.  His  pleas 
ant  bearing  and  his  quiet  satisfaction  at  being  busy,  his 
manly,  efficient  ways,  his  evident  self-respect,  and  his 
frank  enjoyment  of  life,  the  engaging  mixture  in  him  of 
man  and  boy,  must  have  become  familiar  to  everybody 
worth  knowing  throughout  all  the  Northern  Neck. 

But  three  years  put  a  term  to  his  surveying.  In  1751 
he  was  called  imperatively  off,  and  had  the  whole  course 
of  his  life  changed,  by  the  illness  of  his  brother.  Law 
rence  Washington  had  never  been  robust;  those  long 
months  spent  at  the  heart  of  the  fiery  South  with  Yer- 
non's  fever-stricken  fleet  had  touched  his  sensitive  con 
stitution  to  the  quick,  and  at  last  a  fatal  consumption 
fastened  upon  him.  Neither  a  trip  to  England  nor  the 
waters  of  the  warm  springs  at  home  brought  him  re 
cuperation,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1T51  his  physician 
ordered  him  to  the  Bahamas  for  the  winter.  George, 
whom  he  so  loved  and  trusted,  went  with  him,  to  nurse 
and  cheer  him.  But  even  the  gentle  sea -air  of  the 
islands  wrought  no  cure  of  the  stubborn  malady.  The 
sterling,  gifted,  lovable  gentleman,  who  had  made  his 
quiet  seat  at  Mount  Yernon  the  home  of  so  much  that 
was  honorable  and  of  good  report,  came  back  the  next 
summer  to  die  in  his  prime,  at  thirty-four.  George  found 
himself  named  executor  in  his  brother's  will,  and  looked 
to  of  a  sudden  to  guard  all  the  interests  of  the  young 
widow  and  her  little  daughter  in  the  management  of  a 
large  estate.  That  trip  to  the  Bahamas  had  been  his 
last  outing  as  a  boy.  He  had  enjoyed  the  novel  journey 
with  a  very  keen  and  natural  relish  while  it  promised 
his  brother  health.  The  radiant  air  of  those  summer 


58  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

isles  had  touched  him  with  a  new  pleasure,  and  the  cor 
dial  hospitality  of  the  homesick  colonists  had  added 
the  satisfaction  of  a  good  welcome.  He  had  braved  the 
small-pox  in  one  household  with  true  Virginian  punctilio 
rather  than  refuse  an  invitation  to  dinner,  had  taken  the 
infection,  and  had  come  home  at  last  bearing  some  per 
manent  marks  of  a  three  weeks'  sharp  illness  upon  him. 
But  he  had  had  entertainment  enough  to  strike  the  bal 
ance  handsomely  against  such  inconveniences,  had  borne 
whatever  came  in  his  way  very  cheerily,  with  that  whole 
some  strength  of  mind  which  made  older  men  like  him, 
and  would  have  come  off  remembering  nothing  but  the 
pleasure  of  the  trip  had  his  noble  brother  only  found 
his  health  again.  As  it  was,  Lawrence's  death  put  a 
final  term  to  his  youth.  Five  other  executors  were 
named  in  the  will ;  but  George,  as  it  turned  out,  was  to 
be  looked  to  to  carry  the  burden  of  administration,  and 
gave  full  proof  of  the  qualities  that  had  made  his  brother 
trust  him  with  so  generous  a  confidence. 

His  brother's  death,  in  truth,  changed  everything  for 
him.  He  seemed  of  a  sudden  to  stand  as  Lawrence's 
representative.  Before  they  set  out  for  the  Bahamas 
Lawrence  had  transferred  to  him  his  place  in  the  militia, 
obtaining  for  him,  though  he  was  but  nineteen,  a  com 
mission  as  major  and  district  adjutant  in  his  stead  ;  and 
after  his  return,  in  1752,  Lieutenant-Governor  Dinwid- 
die,  the  crown's  new  representative  in  Virginia,  added 
still  further  to  his  responsibilities  as  a  soldier  by  re 
ducing  the  military  districts  of  the  colony  to  four,  and 
assigning  to  him  one  of  the  four,  under  a  renewed 
commission  as  major  and  adjutant-general.  His  broth 
er's  will  not  only  named  him  an  executor,  but  also  made 
him  residuary  legatee  of  the  estate  of  Mount  Vernon  in 


LAWRENCE  WASHINGTON 

(From  a  portrait,  by  an  unknown  artist,  in  the  possession  of  Lawrence  Washington 
Alexandria,  Virginia) 


A  VIRGINIAN   BREEDING  59 

case  his  child  should  die.  He  had  to  look  to  the  disci 
pline  and  accoutrement  of  the  militia  of  eleven  counties, 
aid  his  mother  in  her  business,  administer  his  brother's 
estate,  and  assume  on  all  hands  the  duties  and  responsi 
bilities  of  a  man  of  affairs  when  he  was  but  just  turned 
of  twenty. 

The  action  of  the  colonial  government  in  compacting 
the  organization  and  discipline  of  the  militia  by  reduc 
ing  the  number  of  military  districts  was  significant  of 
a  sinister  change  in  the  posture  of  affairs  beyond  the 
borders.  The  movements  of  the  French  in  the  West  had 
of  late  become  more  ominous  than  ever ;  'twas  possible 
the  Virginian  militia  might  any  day  see  an  end  of  that 
"  everlasting  peace"  which  good  Mr.  Beverley  had  smiled 
to  see  them  complacently  enjoy,  and  that  the  young 
major,  who  was  now  Adjutant-General  of  the  Northern 
Division,  might  find  duties  abroad  even  more  serious  and 
responsible  than  his  duties  at  home.  Whoever  should 
be  commissioned  to  meet  and  deal  with  the  French 
upon  the  western  rivers  would  have  to  handle  truly  crit 
ical  affairs,  decisive  of  the  fate  of  the  continent,  and  it 
looked  as  if  Virginia  must  undertake  the  fateful  busi 
ness.  The  northern  borders,  indeed,  were  sadly  har 
ried  by  the  savage  allies  of  the  French ;  the  brunt  of  the 
fighting  hitherto  had  fallen  upon  the  hardy  militiamen 
of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  in  the  slow  contest 
for  English  mastery  upon  the  continent.  But  there  was 
really  nothing  to  be  decided  in  that  quarter.  The  French 
were  not  likely  to  attempt  the  mad  task  of  driving  out 
the  thickly  set  English  population,  already  established, 
hundreds  of  thousands  strong,  upon  the  eastern  coasts. 
Their  true  lines  of  conquest  ran  within.  Their  strength 
lay  in  their  command  of  the  great  watercourses  which 


60  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

flanked  the  English  colonies  both  north  and  west.  JT  was 
a  long  frontier  to  hold,  that  mazy  line  of  lake  and  river 
that  ran  all  the  way  from  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  to  the 
wide  mouths  of  the  sluggish  Mississippi.  Throughout 
all  the  posts  and  settlements  that  lay  upon  it  from  end 
to  end  there  were  scarcely  eighty  thousand  Frenchmen, 
while  the  English  teemed  upon  the  coasts  more  than  a 
million  strong.  But  the  forces  of  IS"ew  France  could 
be  handled  like  an  army,  while  the  English  swarmed 
slowly  westward,  without  discipline  or  direction,  the 
headstrong  subjects  of  a  distant  government  they  would 
not  obey,  the  wayward  constituents  of  a  score  of  petty 
and  jealous  assemblies  tardy  at  planning,  clumsy  at 
executing  plans.  They  were  still  far  away,  too,  from 
the  mid- waters  of  the  lakes  and  from  the  royal  stream 
of  the  Mississippi  itself,  where  lonely  boats  'floated 
slowly  down,  with  their  cargoes  of  grain,  meat,  tallow, 
tobacco,  oil,  hides,  and  lead,  out  of  the  country  of  the 
Illinois,  past  the  long,  thin  line  of  tiny  isolated  posts,  to 
the  growing  village  at  New  Orleans  and  'the  southern 
Gulf.  But  they  were  to  be  feared,  none  the  less.  If 
their  tide  once  flowed  in,  the  French  well  knew  it  could 
not  be  turned  back  again.  It  was  not  far  away  from 
the  Ohio  now  ;  and  if  once  settlers  out  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Virginia  gained  a  foothold  in  any  numbers  on  that 
river,  they  would  control  one  of  the  great  highways 
that  led  to  the  main  basins  of  the  continent.  It  was 
imperative  they  should  be  effectually  forestalled,  and 
that  at  once. 

The  Marquis  Duquesne,  with  his  quick  soldier  blood, 
at  last  took  the  decisive  step  for  France.  Pie  had  hard 
ly  come  to  his  colony,  to  serve  his  royal  master  as  Gov 
ernor  upon  the  St.  Lawrence,  when  he  determined  to 


A  VIRGINIAN.  BREEDING  61 

occupy  the  upper  waters  of  the  Ohio,  and  block  the 
western  passes  against  the  English  with  a  line  of  military 
posts.  The  matter  did  not  seem  urgent  to  the  doubting 
ministers  at  Versailles.  "  Be  on  your  guard  against 
new  undertakings,"  said  official  letters  out  of  France ; 
"  private  interests  are  generally  at  the  bottom  of  them." 
But  Duquesne  knew  that  it  was  no  mere  private  interest 
of  fur  trader  or  speculator  that  was  at  stake  now.  The 
rivalry  between  the  two  nations  had  gone  too  far  to 
make  it  possible  to  draw  back.  Military  posts  had  al 
ready  been  established  by  the  bold  energy  of  the  French 
at  Niagara,  the  key  to  the  western  lakes,  and  at  Crown 
Point  upon  Champlain,  where  lake  and  river  struck 
straight  towards  the  heart  of  the  English  trading  set 
tlements  upon  the  Hudson.  The  English,  accepting  the 
challenge,  had  planted  themselves  at  Oswego,  upon  the 
very  lake  route  itself,  and  had  made  a  port  there  to 
take  the  furs  that  came  out  of  the  West,  and,  though 
very  sluggish  in  the  business,  showed  purpose  of  ag 
gressive  movement  everywhere  that  advantage  offered. 
English  settlers  by  the  hundred  were  pressing  towards 
the  western  mountains  in  Pennsylvania,  and  down  into 
that  "Virginian  Arcady,"  the  sweet  valley  of  the  Shen- 
andoah :  thrifty  Germans,  a  few ;  hardy  Scots-Irish,  a 
great  many — the  blood  most  to  be  feared  and  checked. 
It  was  said  that  quite  three  hundred  English  traders 
passed  the  mountains  every  year  into  the  region  of  the 
Ohio.  Enterprising  gentlemen  in  Virginia — Lawrence 
and  Augustine  Washington  among  the  rest — had  joined 
influential  partners  in  London  in  the  formation  of  an 
Ohio  Company  for  the  settlement  of  the  western  coun 
try  and  the  absorption  of  the  western  trade ;  had  sent 
out  men  who  knew  the  region  to  make  interest  with 


62  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

the  Indians  and  fix  upon  points  of  vantage  for  trading- 
posts  and  settlements ;  had  already  set  out  upon  the  busi 
ness  by  erecting  storehouses  at  Will's  Creek,  in  the  heart 
of  the  Alleghanies,  and,  farther  westward  still,  upon 
Redstone  Creek,  a  branch  of  the  Monongahela  itself. 

It  was  high  time  to  act;  and  Duquesne,  having  no 
colonial  assembly  to  hamper  him,  acted  very  promptly. 
When  spring  came,  1753,  he  sent  fifteen  hundred  men 
into  Lake  Erie,  to  Presque  Isle,  where  a  fort  of  squared 
logs  was  built,  and  a  road  cut  through  the  forests  to  a 
little  river  whose  waters,  when  at  the  flood,  would  carry 
boats  direct  to  the  Alleghany  and  the  great  waterway  of 
the  Ohio  itself.  An  English  lieutenant  at  Oswego  had 
descried  the  multitudinous  fleet  of  canoes  upon  Ontario 
carrying  this  levy  to  its  place  of  landing  in  the  lake 
beyond,  and  a  vagrant  Frenchman  had  told  him  plainly 
what  it  was.  It  was  an  army  of  six  thousand  men,  he 
boasted,  going  to  the  Ohio,  "  to  cause  all  the  English  to 
quit  those  parts."  It  was  plain  to  every  English  Gov 
ernor  in  the  colonies  who  had  his  eyes  open  that  the 
French  would  not  stop  with  planting  a  fort  upon  an  ob 
scure  branch  of  the  Alleghany,  but  that  they  would 
indeed  press  forward  to  take  possession  of  the  Ohio, 
drive  every  English  trader  forth,  draw  all  the  native 
tribes  to  their  interest  by  force  or  favor,  and  close  alike 
the  western  lands  and  the  western  trade  in  very  earnest 
against  all  the  King's  subjects. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  was  among  the  first  to  see  the 
danger  and  the  need  for  action,  as,  in  truth,  was  very 
natural.  In  office  and  out,  his  study  had  been  the  co 
lonial  trade,  and  he  had  been  merchant  and  official  now 
a  long  time.  He  was  one  of  the  twenty  stockholders  of 
the  Ohio  Company,  and  had  come  to  his  governorship 


A  VIRGINIAN  BREEDING  63 

in  Virginia  with  his  eye  upon  the  western  country.  He 
had  but  to  look  about  him  to  perceive  that  Virginia 
would  very  likely  be  obliged  to  meet  the  crisis  unaided, 
if,  indeed,  he  could  induce  even  her  to  meet  it.  Gov 
ernor  Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  also  saw  how  critical 
ly  affairs  stood,  it  is  true,  and  what  ought  to  be  done. 
His  agents  had  met  and  acted  with  the  agents  of  the 
Ohio  Company  already  in  seeking  Indian  alliances  and 
fixing  upon  points  of  vantage  beyond  the  Alleghanies. 
But  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  could  by  no  argument 
or  device  be  induced  to  vote  money  or  measures  in  the 
business.  The  placid  Quaker  traders  were  as  stubborn  as 
the  stolid  German  farmers.  They  opposed  warlike  ac 
tion  on  principle.  The  Germans  opposed  it  because 
they  could  not  for  the  life  of  them  see  the  necessity  of 
parting  with  their  money  to  send  troops  upon  so  remote 
an  errand.  Dinwiddie  did  not  wait  or  parley.  He 
acted  first,  and  consulted  his  legislature  afterwards.  It 
was  in  his  Scots  blood  to  take  the  business  very  strenu 
ously,  and  in  his  trader's  blood  to  take  it  very  anxious 
ly.  He  had  kept  himself  advised  from  the  first  of  the 
movements  of  the  French.  Their  vanguard  had  scarce 
ly  reached  Presque  Isle  ere  he  despatched  letters  to  Eng 
land  apprising  the  government  of  the  danger.  Answer 
had  come  very  promptly,  too,  authorizing  him  to  build 
forts  upon  the  Ohio,  if  he  could  get  the  money  from  the 
Burgesses ;  and  meantime,  should  the  French  trespass 
further,  "  to  require  of  them  peaceably  to  depart."  If 
they  would  not  desist  for  a  warning,  said  his  Majesty, 
"  we  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and  command  you  to 
drive  them  off  by  force  of  arms." 

Even  to  send  a  warning  to  the  French  was  no  easy 
matter  when  the  King's  letter  came  and  the  chill  au~ 


64  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

tumn  rains  were  at  hand.  The  mountain  streams,  al 
ready  swollen,  presently  to  be  full  of  ice,  would  be  very 
dangerous  for  men  and  horses,  and  the  forests  were 
likely  enough  to  teem  with  hostile  savages,  now  the 
French  were  there.  A  proper  messenger  was  found 
and  despatched,  nevertheless — young  Major  George 
Washington,  of  the  Northern  District.  The  errand  lay 
in  his  quarter ;  his  three  years  of  surveying  at  the  heart 
of  the  wilderness  had  made  him  an  experienced  woods 
man  and  hardy  traveller,  had  tested  his  pluck  and  made 
proof  of  his  character ;  he  was  well  known  upon  the 
frontier,  and  his  friends  were  very  influential,  and  very 
cordial  in  recommending  him  for  this  or  any  other 
manly  service  that  called  for  steadiness,  hardihood,  and 
resource.  Dinwiddie  had  been  a  correspondent  of  Law 
rence  Washington's  ever  since  the  presidency  of  the 
Ohio  Company  had  fallen  to  the  young  Virginian  upon 
the  death  of  his  neighbor  Thomas  Lee,  writing  to  him 
upon  terms  of  intimacy.  He  knew  the  stock  of  which 
George,  the  younger  brother,  came,  and  the  interests  in 
which  he  might  be  expected  to  embark  with  ardor ;  he 
could  feel  that  he  took  small  risk  in  selecting  such  an 
agent.  Knowing  him,  too,  thus  through  his  family  and 
like  a  friend,  he  did  not  hesitate  in  writing  to  Governor 
Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  speak  of  this  youth  of 
twenty-one  as  "  a  person  of  distinction." 

Washington  performed  his  errand  as  Dinwiddie  must 
have  expected  he  would.  He  received  his  commission 
and  the  Governor's  letter  to  the  French  commandant  on 
the  last  day  of  October,  and  set  out  the  same  day  for 
the  mountains.  Jacob  Vanbraam,  the  Dutch  soldier  of 
fortune  who  had  been  his  fencing-master  at  Mount  Ver- 
non,  accompanied  him  as  interpreter,  and  Christopher 


A  VIRGINIAN  BREEDING  65 

Gist,  the  hardy,  self-reliant  frontier  trader,  whom  the 
Ohio  Company  had  employed  to  make  interest  for  them 
among  the  Indians  of  the  far  region  upon  the  western 
rivers  which  he  knew  so  well,  was  engaged  to  act  as  his 
guide  and  counsellor ;  and  with  a  few  servants  and  pack- 
horses  he  struck  straight  into  the  forests  in  the  middle 
of  bleak  November.  It  was  the  llth  of  December  be 
fore  the  jaded  party  rode,  in  the  cold  dusk,  into  the 
drenched  and  miry  clearing  where  the  dreary  little  fort 
stood  that  held  the  French  commander.  Through  two 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  and  more  of  forest  they  had 
dragged  themselves  over  swollen  rivers,  amidst  an  almost 
ceaseless  fall  of  rain  or  snow,  with  not  always  an  Indian 
trail,  even,  or  the  beaten  track  of  the  bison,  to  open  the 
forest  growth  for  their  flagging  horses,  and  on  the 
watch  always  against  savage  treacherj'.  It  had  become 
plain  enough  before  they  reached  their  destination  what 
answer  they  should  get  from  the  French.  Sixty  miles 
nearer  home  than  these  lonely  headquarters  of  the  French 
commander  at  Fort  Le  Boeuf  they  had  come  upon  an 
outpost  where  the  French  colors  were  to  be  seen  flying 
from  a  house  from  which  an  English  trader  had  been 
driven  out,  and  the  French  officers  there  had  uttered 
brutally  frank  avowal  of  their  purpose  in  that  wilderness 
as  they  sat  at  wine  with  the  alert  and  temperate  young 
Virginian.  "  It  was  their  absolute  design,"  they  said, 
"to  take  possession  of  the  Ohio,  and,  by  G — ,  they 
would  do  it.  ...  They  were  sensible  the  English 
could  raise  two  men  for  their  one,  yet  they  knew  their 
motions  were  too  slow  and  dilatory  to  prevent  any  un 
dertaking  of  theirs."  The  commandant  at  Fort  Le 
Bceuf  received  the  wayworn  ambassador  very  courte 
ously,  and  even  graciously — a  thoughtful  elderly  man, 


66  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

"Washington  noted  him,  "  with  much  the  air  of  a  soldier" 
— but  would  make  no  profession  even  that  he  would 
consider  the  English  summons  to  withdraw ;  and  the 
little  party  of  Englishmen  presently  turned  back  amidst 
the  winter's  storms  to  carry  through  the  frozen  wilder 
ness  a  letter  which  boasted  the  French  lawful  masters 
of  all  the  continent  beyond  the  Alleghanies.  When 
Washington  reached  Williamsburg,  in  the  middle  of 
January,  1754,  untouched  by  even  the  fearful  fatigues 
and  anxieties  of  that  daring  journey,  he  had  accom 
plished  nothing  but  the  establishment  of  his  own  char 
acter  in  the  eyes  of  the  men  who  were  to  meet  the  crisis 
now  at  hand.  He  had  been  at  infinite  pains,  at  every 
stage  of  the  dreary  adventure,  to  win  and  hold  the  con 
fidence  of  the  Indians  who  were  accounted  friends  of 
the  English,  and  had  displayed  an  older  man's  patience, 
address,  and  fortitude  in  meeting  all  their  subtle  shifts ; 
and  he  had  borne  hardships  that  tried  even  the  doughty 
Gist.  When  the  horses  gave  out,  he  had  left  them  to 
come  by  easier  stages,  while  he  made  his  way  afoot, 
with  only  a  single  companion,  across  the  weary  leagues 
that  lay  upon  his  homeward  way.  Gist,  his  comrade  in 
the  hazard,  had  been  solicitously  "  unwilling  he  should 
undertake  such  a  travel,  who  had  never  been  used  to 
walking  before  this  time,"  but  the  imperative  young 
commander  would  not  be  stayed,  and  the  journey  was 
made,  spite  of  sore  feet  and  frosts  and  exhausting  weari 
ness.  He  at  least  knew  what  the  French  were  about, 
with  what  strongholds  and  forces,  and  could  afford  to 
await  orders  what  to  do  next. 


COLONEL   WASHINGTON 


CHAPTER  III 

DINWIDDIE  had  not  been  idle  while  Washington  went 
his  perilous  errand.  He  had  gotten  the  Burgesses  to 
gether  by  the  1st  of  November,  before  Washington  had 
left  the  back  settlements  to  cross  the  wilderness,  and 
would  have  gotten  a  liberal  grant  of  money  from  them 
had  they  not  fallen  in  their  debates  upon  the  question 
of  the  new  fee  charged,  since  his  coming,  for  every 
grant  out  of  the  public  lands  of  the  colony,  and  insisted 
that  it  should  be  done  away  with.  "  Subjects,"  they 
said,  very  stubbornly,  "  cannot  be  deprived  of  the  least 
part  of  their  property  without  their  consent ;"  and  such 
a  fee,  they  thought,  was  too  like  a  tax  to  be  endured. 
They  would  withhold  the  grant,  they  declared,  unless 
the  fee  was  abolished,  notwithstanding  they  saw  plainly 
enough  in  how  critical  a  case  things  stood  in  the  West ; 
and  the  testy  Governor  very  indignantly  sent  them 
home  again.  He  ordered  a  draft  of  two  hundred  men 
from  the  militia,  nevertheless,  with  the  purpose  of  as 
signing  the  command  to  Washington  and  seeing  what 
might  be  done  upon  the  Ohio,  without  vote  of  Assembly. 
A  hard-headed  Scotsman  past  sixty  could  not  be  ex 
pected  to  wait  upon  a  body  of  wrangling  and  factious 
provincials  for  leave  to  perform  his  duty  in  a  crisis,  arid, 
inasmuch  as  the  object  was  to  save  their  own  lands, 
and  perhaps  their  own  persons,  from  the  French,  could 


70  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

hardly  be  blamed  for  proposing  in  his  anger  that  they 
be  taxed  for  the  purpose  by  act  of  Parliament.  "  A 
Governor,"  he  exclaimed,  "is  really  to  be  pitied  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duty  to  his  King  and  country  in  having 
to  do  with  such  obstinate,  self-conceited  people !"  Some 
money  he  advanced  out  of  his  own  pocket.  When 
Washington  came  back  from  his  fruitless  mission,  Din- 
widdie  ordered  his  journal  printed  and  copies  sent  to 
all  the  colonial  Governors.  "  As  it  was  thought  advisa 
ble  by  his  Honour  the  Governor  to  have  the  following 
account  of  my  proceedings  to  and  from  the  French  on 
Ohio  committed  to  print,"  said  the  modest  young  major, 
"  I  think  I  can  do  no  less  than  apologize,  in  some  meas 
ure,  for  the  numberless  imperfections  of  it."  But  it  was 
a  very  manly  recital  of  noteworthy  things,  and  touched 
the  imagination  and  fears  of  every  thoughtful  man  who 
read  it  quite  as  near  the  quick  as  the  urgent  and  re 
peated  letters  of  the  troubled  Dinwiddie. 

Virginia,  it  turned  out,  was,  after  all,  more  forward 
than  her  neighbors  when  it  came  to  action.  The  Penn 
sylvania  Assembly  very  coolly  declared  they  doubted 
his  Majesty's  claim  to  the  lands  on  the  Ohio,  and  the 
Assembly  in  New  York  followed  suit.  "  It  appears," 
they  said,  in  high  judicial  tone,  "  that  the  French  have 
built  a  fort  at  a  place  called  French  Creek,  at  a  consid 
erable  distance  from  the  river  Ohio,  which  may,  but 
does  not  by  any  evidence  or  information  appear  to  us  to 
be,  an  invasion  of  any  of  his  Majesty's  colonies."  The 
Governors  of  the  other  colonies  whose  safety  was  most 
directly  menaced  by  the  movements  of  the  French  in 
the  West  were  thus  even  less  able  to  act  than  Dinwid 
die.  For  the  Virginian  Burgesses,  though  they  would 
not  yield  the  point  of  the  fee  upon  land  grants,  did  not 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON  71 

mean  to  leave  Major  Washington  in  the  lurch,  and  be 
fore  an  expedition  could  be  got  afoot  had  come  together 
igain  to  vote  a  sum  of  money.  It  would  be  possible 
with  the  sum  they  appropriated  to  put  three  or  four 
hundred  men  into  the  field ;  and  as  spring  drew  on,  raw 
volunteers  began  to  gather  in  some  numbers  at  Alexan- 
Iria — a  ragged  regiment,  made  up  for  the  most  part  of 
idle  and  shiftless  men,  who  did  not  always  have  shoes,  or 
sven  shirts,  of  their  own  to  wear ;  anxious  to  get  their 
3ightpence  a  day,  but  not  anxious  to  work  or  submit 
bo  discipline.  'Twas  astonishing  how  steady  and  how 
spirited  they  showed  themselves  when  once  they  had 
shaken  their  lethargy  off  and  were  on  the  march  or  face 
to  face  with  the  enemy.  A  body  of  backwoodsmen 
:iad  been  hurried  forward  in  February,  ere  spring  had 
>pened,  to  make  a  clearing  and  set  to  work  upon  a  fort 
it  the  forks  of  the  Ohio ;  but  it  was  the  2d  of  April  be- 
:ore  men  enough  could  be  collected  at  Alexandria  to  be- 
*in  the  main  movement  towards  the  frontier,  and  by 
:hat  time  it  was  too  late  to  checkmate  the  French.  The 
ittle  force  sent  forward  to  begin  fortifications  had  set 
ibout  their  task  very  sluggishly  and  without  skill,  and 
jheir  commander  had  turned  back  again  with  some  of 
his  men  to  rejoin  the  forces  behind  him  before  the  petty 
works  he  should  have  stayed  to  finish  were  well  begun. 
When,  therefore,  on  the  17th  of  April,  the  river  sudden 
ly  filled  with  canoes  bearing  an  army  of  more  than  five 
hundred  Frenchmen,  who  put  cannon  ashore,  and  sum 
moned  the  forty  men  who  held  the  place  to  surrender 
or  be  blown  into  the  water,  there  was  no  choice  but  to 
somply.  The  young  ensign  who  commanded  the  little 
garrison  urged  a  truce  till  he  could  communicate  with 
his  superiors,  but  the  French  commander  would  brook 


72  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

no  delay.  The  boy  might  either  take  his  men  off  free 
and  unhurt,  or  else  fight  and  face  sheer  destruction  ;  and 
the  nearest  succor  was  a  little  force  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men  under  Colonel  Washington,  who  had  not  yet 
topped  the  Alleghanies  in  their  painful  work  of  cutting 
a  way  through  the  forests  for  their  field -pieces  and 
wagons. 

The  Governor's  plans  had  been  altered  by  the  Assem 
bly's  vote  of  money  and  the  additional  levy  of  men 
which  it  made  possible.  Colonel  Joshua  Fry,  whom 
Dinwiddie  deemed  "  a  man  of  good  sense,  and  one  of 
our  best  mathematicians,"  had  been  given  the  command 
in  chief,  and  Washington  had  been  named  his  second  in 
command,  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel.  "  Dear 
George,"  wrote  Mr.  Corbin,  of  the  Governor's  Council, 
"I  enclose  you  your  commission.  God  prosper  you 
with  it !"  and  the  brunt  of  the  work  in  fact  fell  upon  the 
younger  man.  But  three  hundred  volunteers  could  be 
;gotten  together ;  and,  all  too  late,  half  of  the  raw  levy 
were  sent  forward  under  Washington  to  find  or  make  a 
way  for  wagons  and  ordnance  to  the  Ohio.  The  last 
days  of  May  were  almost  at  hand  before  they  had 
crossed  the  main  ridge  of  the  Alleghanies,  so  inexperi 
enced  were  they  in  the  rough  labor  of  cutting  a  road 
through  the  close-set  growth  and  over  the  sharp  slopes 
of  the  mountains,  and  so  ill  equipped  ;  and  by  that  time 
it  was  already  too  late  by  a  full  month  and  more  to 
forestall  the  French,  who  had  only  to  follow  the  open 
highway  of  the  Alleghany  to  bring  what  force  they 
would  to  the  key  of  the  West  at  the  forks  of  the  Ohio. 
As  the  spring  advanced,  the  French  force  upon  the  river 
grew  from  five  to  fourteen  hundred  men,  and  work  was 
pushed  rapidly  forward  upon  fortifications  such  as  the 


COLONEL   WASHINGTON  73 

little  band  of  Englishmen  they  had  ousted  had  not 
thought  of  attempting — a  veritable  fort,  albeit  of  a  rude 
frontier  pattern,  which  its  builders  called  Duquesne,  in 
honor  of  their  Governor.  Washington  could  hit  upon 
no  watercourse  that  would  afford  him  quick  transport; 
'twould  have  been  folly,  besides,  to  take  his  handful  of 
ragged  provincials  into  the  presence  of  an  intrenched 
army.  He  was  fain  to  go  into  camp  at  Great  Meadows, 
just  across  the  ridge  of  the  mountains,  and  there  await 
his  Colonel  with  supplies  and  an  additional  handful  of 
men. 

It  was  "  a  charming  field  for  an  encounter,"  the  young 
commander  thought,  but  it  was  to  be  hoped  the  enemy 
would  not  find  their  way  to  it  in  too  great  numbers. 
An  "  Independent  Company "  of  provincials  in  the 
King's  pay  joined  him  out  of  South  Carolina,  whence 
they  had  been  sent  forward  by  express  orders  from 
England  ;  and  the  rest  of  the  Virginia  volunteers  at  last 
came  up  to  join  their  comrades  at  the  Meadows — with 
out  good  Colonel  Fry,  the  doughty  mathematician,  who 
had  sickened  and  died  on  the  way — so  that  there  were 
presently  more  than  three  hundred  men  at  the  camp, 
and  Washington  was  now  their  commander  -  in  -  chief . 
The  officers  of  the  Independent  Company  from  South 
Carolina,  holding  their  commissions  from  the  King, 
would  not,  indeed,  take  their  orders  from  Washington, 
with  his  colonial  commission  merely ;  and,  what  was 
worse,  their  men  would  not  work;  but  there  was  no 
doubt  they  would  fight  with  proper  dignity  and  spirit 
for  his  Majesty,  their  royal  master.  The  first  blood  had 
already  been  drawn,  on  the  28th  of  May,  before  rein 
forcements  had  arrived,  when  Washington  had  but  just 
come  to  camp.  Upon  the  morning  of  that  day  Wash- 


74  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ington,  with  forty  men,  guided  by  friendly  Indians,  had 
come  upon  a  party  of  some  thirty  Frenchmen  where 
they  lurked  deep  within  the  thickets  of  the  dripping 
forest,  and,  with  thrust  of  bayonet  when  the  wet  guns 
failed,  had  brought  them  to  a  surrender  within  fifteen 
minutes  of  the  first  surprise.  No  one  in  the  Virginian 
camp  doubted  that  there  was  war  already,  or  dreamed 
of  awaiting  the  action  of  diplomats  and  cabinets  over 
sea.  The  French  had  driven  an  English  garrison  from 
the  forks  of  the  Ohio  with  threats  of  force,  which  would 
certainly  have  been  executed  had  there  been  need. 
These  men  hidden  in  the  thickets  at  Great  Meadows 
would  have  it,  when  the  fight  was  over,  that  they  had 
come  as  messengers  merely  to  bear  a  peaceful  summons ; 
but  did  it  need  thirty  odd  armed  men  to  bear  a  mes 
sage  ?  Why  had  they  lurked  for  five  days  so  stealthily 
in  the  forest ;  and  why  had  they  sent  runners  back  post 
haste  to  Fort  Duquesne  to  obtain  support  for  their 
diplomacy  ?  Washington  might  regret  that  young  M. 
Jumonville,  their  commander,  had  lost  his  life  in  the 
encounter,  but  he  had  no  doubt  he  had  done  right  to 
order  his  men  to  fire  when  he  saw  the  French  spring 
for  their  arms  at  the  first  surprise. 

Now,  at  any  rate,  war  was  unquestionably  begun. 
That  sudden  volley  fired  in  the  wet  woods  at  the  heart 
of  the  lonely  Alleghanies  had  set  the  final  struggle 
ablaze.  It  was  now  either  French  or  English  in  Amer 
ica:  it  could  no  longer  be  both.  Jumonville  with  his 
thirty  Frenchmen  was  followed  ere  many  weeks  were 
out  by  Coulon  de  Yilliers  with  seven  hundred — some  of. 
them  come  all  the  way  from  Montreal  at  news  of  what 
had  happened  to  France's  lurking  ambassadors  in  the 
far-away  mountains  of  Virginia.  On  the  3d  of  July 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON  75 

they  closed  to  an  encounter  at  "  Fort  Necessity,"  Wash 
ington's  rude  intrenchments  upon  the  Great  Meadows. 
There  were  three  hundred  and  fifty  Englishmen  with 
him  able  to  fight,  spite  of  sickness  and  short  rations ; 
and  as  the  enemy  began  to  show  themselves  at  the  edges 
of  the  neighboring  woods  through  the  damp  mists  of 
that  dreary  morning,  Washington  drew  his  little  force 
up  outside  their  works  upon  the  open  meadow.  He 
"thought  the  French  would  come  up  to  him  in  open 
field,"  laughed  a  wily  Indian,  who  gave  him  counsel 
freely,  but  no  aid  in  the  fight ;  but  Yilliers  had  no  mind 
to  meet  the  gallant  young  Virginian  in  that  manly 
fashion.  Once,  indeed,  they  rushed  to  his  trenches,  but, 
finding  hot  reception  there,  kept  their  distance  after 
wards.  Villiers  brought  them  after  that  only  "  as  near 
as  possible  without  uselessly  exposing  the  lives  of  the 
King's  subjects,"  and  poured  his  fire  in  from  the  cover 
of  the  woods.  For  nine  hours  the  unequal  fight  dragged 
on,  the  French  and  their  Indians  hardly  showing  them 
selves  outside  the  shelter  of  the  forest,  the  English 
crouching  knee -deep  in  water  in  their  rude  trenches, 
while  the  rain  poured  incessantly,  reducing  their  breast 
works  to  a  mass  of  slimy  mud,  and  filling  all  the  air 
with  a  chill  and  pallid  mist.  Day  insensibly  darkened 
into  night  in  such  an  air,  and  it  was  eight  o'clock  when 
the  firing  ceased  and  the  French  asked  a  parley.  Their 
men  were  tired  of  the  dreary  fight,. their  Indian  allies 
threatened  to  leave  them  when  morning  should  come, 
and  they  were  willing  the  English  should  withdraw,  if 
they  would,  without  further  hurt  or  molestation.  The 
terms  they  offered  seemed  very  acceptable  to  Washing 
ton's  officers  as  the  interpreter  read  them  out,  standing 
there  in  the  drenching  downpour  and  the  black  night. 


76  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

"  It  rained  so  hard  we  could  hardly  keep  the  candle 
lighted  to  read  them  by,"  said  an  officer ;  but  there  was 
really  no  choice  what  to  do.  More  than  fifty  men  lay 
dead  or  wounded  in  the  flooded  camp ;  the  ammunition 
was  all  but  spent ;  the  French  strength  had  hardly  been 
touched  in  the  fight,  and  might  at  any  moment  be  in 
creased.  Capitulation  was  inevitable,  and  Washington 
did  not  hesitate. 

The  next  morning  saw  his  wretched  force  making 
their  way  back  again  along  the  rude  road  they  had  cut 
through  the  forests.  They  had  neither  horses  nor  wagons 
to  carry  their  baggage.  What  they  could  they  burned ; 
and  then  set  out,  sore  stricken  in  heart  and  body,  their 
wounded  comrades  and  their  scant  store  of  food  slung 
upon  their  backs,  and  dragged  themselves  very  wearily 
all  the  fifty  miles  to  the  settlements  at  home.  Two  of 
the  King's  Independent  Companies  from  New  York 
ought  to  have  joined  them  long  ago,  but  had  gotten  no 
farther  than  Alexandria  when  the  fatal  day  came  at  the 
Great  Meadows.  North  Carolina  had  despatched  three 
hundred  and  fifty  of  her  militiamen,  under  an  experi 
enced  officer,  to  aid  them,  but  they  also  came  too  late. 
It  had  been  expected  that  Maryland  would  raise  two 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  Pennsylvania  had  at  last 
voted  money,  to  be  spent  instead  of  blood,  for  she  would 
levy  no  men ;  but  no  succor  had  come  from  any  quarter 
when  it  should.  The  English  were  driven  in,  and  all 
their  plans  were  worse  than  undone. 

It  was  a  bitter  trial  for  the  young  Virginian  com 
mander  to  have  his  first  campaign  end  so  disastrously— 
to  be  worsted  in  a  petty  fight,  and  driven  back  hope 
lessly  outdone.  No  one  he  cared  for  in  Virginia  blamed 
him.  His  ragged  troops  had  borne  themselves  like  men 


WASHINGTON'S  RETREAT  FROM  GREAT  MEADOWS 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON  77 

in  the  fight;  his  own  gallantry  no  man  could  doubt. 
The  House  of  Burgesses  thanked  him  and  voted  money 
to  his  men.  But  it  had  been  a  rough  apprenticeship,  and 
Washington  felt  to  the  quick  the  lessons  it  had  taught 
him.  The  discouraging  work  of  recruiting  at  Alexan 
dria,  the  ragged  idlers  to  be  governed  there,  the  fruit 
less  drilling  of  listless  and  insolent  men,  the  two  months' 
work  with  axe  and  spade  cutting  a  way  through  the 
forests,  the  whole  disheartening  work  of  making  ready 
for  the  fight,  of  seeking  the  enemy,  and  of  choosing  a 
field  of  encounter,  he  had  borne  as  a  stalwart  young 
man  can  while  his  digestion  holds  good.  He  had  at 
least  himself  done  everything  that  was  possible,  and  it 
had  been  no  small  relief  to  him  to  write  plain-spoken 
letters  to  the  men  who  were  supposed  to  be  helping  him 
in  Williamsburg,  telling  them  exactly  how  things  were 
going  and  who  was  to  blame — letters  which  showed 
both  how  efficient  and  how  proud  he  was.  He  had 
even  shown  a  sort  of  boyish  zest  in  the  affair  when  it 
came  to  actual  fighting  with  Jumonville  and  his  scouts 
hidden  in  the  forest.  He  had  pressed  to  the  thick  of 
that  hot  and  sudden  skirmish,  and  had  taken  the  French 
volleys  with  a  lad's  relish  of  the  danger.  "  I  heard  the 
bullets  whistle,"  he  wrote  his  brother,  "  and  believe  me 
there  is  something  charming  in  the  sound."  But  after 
he  had  stood  a  day  in  the  flooded  trenches  of  his  wretched 
"  fort "  at  Great  Meadows,  and  fought  till  evening  in 
the  open  with  an  enemy  he  could  not  see,  he  knew  that 
he  had  been  taught  a  lesson ;  that  he  was  very  young 
at  this  terrible  business  of  fighting ;  and  that  something 
more  must  be  learned  than  could  be  read  in  the  books 
at  Mount  Vernon.  He  kept  a  cheerful  front  in  the 
dreary  retreat,  heartening  his  men  bravely  by  word  and 


78  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

example  of  steadfastness ;  but  it  was  a  sore  blow  to  his 
pride  and  his  hopes,  and  he  must  only  have  winced 
without  protest  could  he  have  heard  how  Horace  Wai- 
pole  called  him  a  "  brave  braggart "  for  his  rodomontade 
about  the  music  of  deadly  missiles. 

He  had  no  thought,  however,  of  quitting  his  duty  be 
cause  his  first  campaign  had  miscarried.  When  he  had 
made  his  report  at  Williamsburg  he  rejoined  his  demor 
alized  regiment  at  Alexandria,  where  it  lay  but  an  hour's 
ride  from  Mount  Yernon,  and  set  about  executing  his 
orders  to  recruit  once  more,  as  if  the  business  were  only 
just  begun.  Captain  Innes,  who  had  brought  three  hun 
dred  and  fifty  men  from  North  Carolina  too  late  to  be 
of  assistance  at  the  Meadows,  and  who  had  had  the  cha 
grin  of  seeing  them  take  themselves  off  home  again  be 
cause  there  was  no  money  forthcoming  to  pay  them  what 
had  been  promised,  remained  at  Will's  Creek,  amidst 
the  back  settlements,  to  command  the  King's  provincials 
from  South  Carolina  who  had  been  with  Washington  at 
the  Meadows,  and  the  two  Independent  Companies  from 
New  York,  who  had  lingered  so  long  on  the  way;  and  to 
build  there  a  rough  fortification,  to  be  named  Fort  Cum 
berland,  in  honor  of  the  far-away  Duke  who  was  com- 
mander-in-chief  in  England.  Dinwiddie,  having  such 
hot  Scots  blood  in  him  as  could  brook  no  delays,  and 
having  been  bred  no  soldier  or  frontiersman,  but  a  mer 
chant  and  man  of  business,  would  have  had  Washing 
ton's  recruiting  despatched  at  once,  like  a  bill  of  goods, 
and  a  new  force  sent  hot-foot  to  the  Ohio  again  to  catch 
the  French  while  they  were  at  ease  over  their  victory  and 
slackly  upon  their  guard  at  Duquesne.  When  he  was 
flatly  told  it  was  impossible,  he  turned  to  other  plans, 
equally  ill  considered,  though  no  doubt  equally  well 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON  79 

meant.  By  October  he  had  obtained  of  the  Assembly 
twenty  thousand  pounds,  and  from  the  government  at 
home  ten  thousand  more  in  good  specie,  such  as  was 
scarce  in  the  colony — for  the  sharp  stir  of  actual  fight 
ing  had  had  its  effect  alike  upon  King  and  Burgesses — 
and  had  ordered  the  formation  and  equipment  of  ten 
full  companies  for  the  frontier.  But  the  new  orders 
contained  a  sad  civilian  blunder.  The  ten  companies 
should  all  be  Independent  Companies ;  there  should  be 
no  officer  higher  than  a  captain  amongst  them.  This, 
the  good  Scotsman  thought,  would  accommodate  all  dis 
putes  about  rank  and  precedence,  such  as  had  come  near 
to  making  trouble  between  Washington  and  Captain 
Mackay,  of  the  Independent  Company  from  South  Caro 
lina,  while  they  waited  for  the  French  at  Great  Meadows. 
Washington  at  once  resigned,  indignant  to  be  so  dealt 
with.  Not  only  would  he  be  reduced  to  a  captaincy  un 
der  such  an  arrangement,  but  every  petty  officer  would 
outrank  him  who  could  show  the  King's  commission. 
It  was  no  tradition  of  his  class  to  submit  to  degradation 
of  rank  thus  by  indirection  and  without  fault  committed, 
and  his  pride  and  sense  of  personal  dignity,  for  all  he 
was  so  young,  were  as  high-strung  as  any  man's  in  Vir 
ginia.  He  had  shown  his  quality  in  such  matters  already, 
six  months  ago,  while  he  lay  in  camp  in  the  wilderness  on 
his  way  towards  the  Ohio.  The  Burgesses  had  appoint 
ed  a  committee  of  their  own  to  spend  the  money  they 
had  voted  to  put  his  expedition  afoot  in  the  spring,  lest 
Dinwiddie  should  think,  were  they  to  give  him  the  spend 
ing  of  it,  that  they  had  relented  in  the  matter  of  the  fees ; 
arid  these  gentlemen,  in  their  careful  parsimony,  had  cut 
the  officers  of  the  already  straitened  little  force  down  to 
such  pay  and  food  as  Washington  deemed  unworthy  a 


80  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

gentleman's  acceptance.  He  would  not  resign  his  com 
mission  there  at  the  head  of  his  men  upon  the  march,  but 
he  asked  to  be  considered  a  volunteer  without  pay,  that 
he  might  be  quit  of  the  humiliation  of  being  stinted  like 
a  beggar.  Now  that  it  was  autumn,  however,  and  wars 
stood  still,  he  could  resign  without  reproach,  and  he  did 
so  very  promptly,  in  spite  of  protests  and  earnest  solici 
tations  from  many  quarters.  "  I  am  concerned  to  find 
Colonel  "Washington's  conduct  so  imprudent,"  wrote 
Thomas  Penn.  But  the  high-spirited  young  officer 
deemed  it  no  imprudence  to  insist  upon  a  just  considera 
tion  of  his  rank  and  services,  and  quietly  withdrew  to 
Mount  Yernon,  to  go  thence  to  his  mother  at  the  "ferry 
farm"  upon  the  Rappahannock,  and  see  again  all  the 
fields  and  friends  he  loved  so  well. 

It  was  a  very  brief  respite.  He  had  been  scarcely  five 
months  out  of  harness  when  he  found  himself  again  in 
camp,  his  plans  and  hopes  once  more  turned  towards 
the  far  wilderness  where  the  French  lay.  He  had  set  a 
great  war  ablaze  that  day  he  led  his  forty  men  into  the 
thicket  and  bade  them  fire  upon  M.  Jumonville  and  his 
scouts  lurking  there ;  and  he  could  not,  loving  the  deep 
business  as  he  did,  keep  himself  aloof  from  it  when  he 
saw  how  it  was  to  be  finished.  Horace  Walpole  might 
laugh  lightly  at  the  affair,  but  French  and  English  states 
men  alike — even  Newcastle,  England's  Prime-Minister, 
as  busy  about  nothing  as  an  old  woman,  and  as  thorough 
ly  ignorant  of  affairs  as  a  young  man — knew  that  some 
thing  must  be  done,  politics  hanging  at  so  doubtful  a  bal 
ance  between  them,  now  that  Frederick  of  Prussia  had 
driven  France,  Austria,  and  Russia  into  league  against 
him.  The  French  Minister  in  London  and  the  British 
Minister  in  Paris  vowed  their  governments  still  loved 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON  81 

and  trusted  one  another,  and  there  was  no  declaration  of 
war.  But  in  the  spring  of  1755  eighteen  French  ships 
of  war  put  to  sea  from  Brest  and  Rochefort,  carrying  six 
battalions  and  a  new  Governor  to  Canada,  and  as  many 
ships  got  away  under  press  of  sail  from  English  ports  to 
intercept  and  destroy  them.  Transports  carrying  two 
English  regiments  had  sailed  for  Virginia  in  January, 
and  by  the  20th  of  February  had  reached  the  Chesa 
peake.  The  French  ships  got  safely  in  at  the  St.  Law 
rence  despite  pursuit,  losing  but  two  of  their  fleet, 
which  had  the  ill  luck  to  be  found  by  the  English 
befogged  and  bewildered  off  the  coast.  The  colonies 
were  to  see  fighting  on  a  new  scale. 

The  English  ministers,  with  whom  just  then  all  things 
went  either  by  favor  or  by  accident,  had  made  a  sorry 
blunder  in  the  choice  of  a  commander.  Major-Gen eral 
Edward  Braddock,  whom  they  had  commissioned  to  take 
the  two  regiments  out  and  act  as  commander-in-chief  in 
America,  was  a  brave  man,  a  veteran  soldier,  bred  in  a 
thorough  school  of  action,  a  man  quick  with  energy  and 
indomitable  in  resolution ;  but  every  quality  he  had  un 
fitted  him  to  learn.  Self-confident,  brutal,  headstrong, 
"  a  very  Iroquois  in  disposition,"  he  would  take  neither 
check  nor  suggestion.  But  energy,  resolution,  good 
soldiers,  and  a  proper  equipment  might  of  themselves 
suffice  to  do  much  in  the  crisis  that  had  come,  whether 
wisdom  held  the  reins  or  not ;  and  it  gave  the  Old  Do 
minion  a  thrill  of  quickened  hope  and  purpose  to  see 
Keppel's  transports  in  the  Potomac  and  Braddock's  red 
coats  ashore  at  Alexandria. 

The  transports,  as  they  made  their  way  slowly  up  the 
river,  passed  beneath  the  very  windows  of  Mount  Ver- 
non,  to  put  the  troops  ashore  only  eight  miles  beyond. 

6 


82  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Washington  had  left  off  being  soldier  for  Dinwiddie,  but 
he  had  resigned  only  to  avoid  an  intolerable  indignity, 
not  to  shun  service,  and  he  made  no  pretence  of  indiffer 
ence  when  he  saw  the  redcoats  come  to  camp  at  Alex 
andria.  Again  and  again  was  he  early  in  the  saddle  to 
see  the  stir  and  order  of  the  troops,  make  the  acquaint 
ance  of  the  officers,  and  learn,  if  he  might,  what  it  was 
that  fitted  his  Majesty's  regulars  for  their  stern  business. 
The  self-confident  gentlemen  who  wore  his  Majesty's 
uniform  and  carried  his  Majesty's  commissions  in  their 
pockets  had  scant  regard,  most  of  them,  for  the  raw  folk 
of  the  colony,  who  had  never  been  in  London  or  seen 
the  set  array  of  battle.  They  were  not  a  little  impatient 
that  they  must  recruit  among  such  a  people.  The  trans 
ports  had  brought  but  a  thousand  men  —  two  half-regi 
ments  of  five  hundred  each,  whose  colonels  had  instruc 
tions  to  add  two  hundred  men  apiece  to  their  force  in 
the  colony.  Six  companies  of  "  rangers,"  too,  the  colo 
nists  were  to  furnish,  and  one  company  of  light  horse, 
besides  carpenters  and  teamsters.  By  all  these  General 
Braddock's  officers  set  small  store,  deeming  it  likely  they 
must  depend,  not  upon  the  provincials,  but  upon  them 
selves  for  success.  They  were  at  small  pains  to  conceal 
their  hearty  contempt  for  the  people  they  had  come  to 
help. 

But  with  "Washington  it  was  a  different  matter. 
There  was  that  in  his  proud  eyes  and  gentleman's  bear 
ing  that  marked  him  a  man  to  be  made  friends  with  and 
respected.  A  good  comrade  he  proved,  without  pre 
tence  or  bravado,  but  an  ill  man  to  scorn,  as  he  went 
his  way  among  them,  lithe  and  alert,  full  six  feet  in  his 
boots,  with  that  strong  gait  as  of  a  backwoodsman,  and 
that  haughty  carriage  as  of  a  man  born  to  have  his  will. 


GENERAL   EDWARD   BRADDOCK 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON 


83 


He  won  their  liking,  and  even  their  admiration,  as  a  fel 
low  of  their  own  pride  and  purpose.  General  Braddock, 
knowing  he  desired  to  make  the  campaign  if  he  might 
do  so  without  sacrifice  of  self-respect,  promptly  invited 
him  to  go  as  a  member  of  his  staff,  where  there  could 
be  no  question  of  rank,  asking  him,  besides,  to  name  any 
young  gentlemen  of  his  acquaintance  he  chose  for  sev 
eral  vacant  ensigncies  in  the  two  regiments.  The  letter 
of  invitation,  written  by  Captain  Orme,  aide-de-camp, 
was  couched  in  terms  of  unaffected  cordiality.  Wash 
ington  very  gladly  accepted,  in  a  letter  that  had  just  a 
touch  of  the  young  provincial  in  it,  so  elaborate  and 
over-long  was  its  explanation  of  its  writer's  delicate  po 
sition  and  self-respecting  motives,  but  with  so  much 
more  of  the  proud  gentleman  and  resolute  man  that  the 
smile  with  which  Captain  Orme  must  have  read  it  could 
have  nothing  of  disrelish  in  it.  The  young  aide-de-camp 
and  all  the  other  members  of  the  General's  military 
"family"  found  its  author,  at  any  rate,  a  man  after 
their  own  hearts  when  it  came  to  terms  of  intimacy 
among  them. 

By  mid- April  the  commander -in -chief  had  brought 
five  Governors  together  at  Alexandria,  in  obedience  to 
his  call  for  an  immediate  conference — William  Shirley, 
of  Massachusetts,  the  stout-hearted  old  lawyer,  every 
inch  "  a  gentleman  and  politician,"  who  had  of  a  sudden 
turned  soldier  to  face  the  French,  for  all  he  was  past 
sixty ;  James  De  Lancey,  of  New  York,  astute  man  of 
the  people ;  the  brave  and  energetic  Horatio  Sharpe,  of 
Maryland  ;  Robert  Hunter  Morris,  fresh  from  the  latest 
wrangles  with  the  headstrong  Quakers  and  Germans  of 
Pennsylvania;  and  Robert  Dinwiddie,  the  busy  mer 
chant  Governor  of  the  Old  Dominion,  whose  urgent  let- 


84  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ters  to  the  government  at  home  had  brought  Braddock 
and  his  regiments  to  the  Potomac.  Plans  were  prompt 
ly  agreed  upon.  New  York  and  New  England,  seeing 
war  come  on  apace,  were  astir  no  less  than  Virginia, 
and  in  active  correspondence  with  the  ministers  in  Lon 
don.  Two  regiments  had  already  been  raised  and  taken 
into  the  King's  pay ;  the  militia  of  all  the  threatened 
colonies  were  afoot ;  in  all  quarters  action  was  expected 
and  instant  war.  Governor  Shirley,  the  council  agreed, 
should  strike  at  once  at  Niagara  with  the  King's  new 
provincial  regiments,  in  the  hope  to  cut  the  enemy's 
connections  with  their  western  posts ;  Colonel  William 
Johnson,  the  cool-headed  trader  and  borderer,  who  had 
lived  and  thriven  so  long  in  the  forests  where  the  dread 
ed  Mohawks  had  their  strength,  should  lead  a  levy  from 
New  England,  New  York,  and  New  Jersey  to  an  attack 
upon  Crown  Point,  where  for  twenty -four  years  the 
French  had  held  Champlain ;  and  Lieutenant  -  Colonel 
Monckton,  of  the  King's  regulars,  must  take  a  similar 
force  against  Beausejour  in  Acadia,  while  General  Brad- 
dock  struck  straight  into  the  western  wilderness  to  take 
Duquesne.  'Twere  best  to  be  prompt  in  every  part  of 
the  hazardous  business,  and  Braddock  turned  from  the 
conference  to  push  his  own  expedition  forward  at  once. 
"  After  taking  Fort  Duquesne,"  he  said  to  Franklin,  "  I 
am  to  proceed  to  Niagara ;  and  after  having  taken  that, 
to  Frontenac,  if  the  season  will  allow  time ;  and  I  sup 
pose  it  will,  for  Duquesne  can  hardly  detain  me  above 
three  or  four  days ;  and  then  I  can  see  nothing  that  can 
obstruct  my  march  to  Niagara."  "  To  be  sure,  sir,"  qui 
etly  replied  the  sagacious  Franklin ;  "  if  you  arrive  well 
before  Duquesne  with  these  fine  troops,  so  well  provided 
with  artillery,  the  fort  .  .  .  can  probably  make  but  a 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON  85 

short  resistance."  But  there  was  the  trouble.  'Twould 
have  been  better,  no  doubt,  had  a  route  through  Penn 
sylvania  been  chosen,  where  cultivated  farms  already 
stretched  well  into  the  West,  with  their  own  roads  and 
grain  and  cattle  and  wagons  to  serve  an  army  with ;  but 
the  Virginia  route  had  been  selected  (by  intrigue  of  gen 
tlemen  interested  in  the  Ohio  Company,  it  was  hinted), 
and  must  needs  be  made  the  best  of.  There  was  there, 
at  the  least,  the  rough  track  Washington's  men  had  cut 
to  the  Great  Meadows.  This  must  be  widened  and  lev 
elled  for  an  army  with  its  cumbrous  train  of  artillery, 
and  its  endless  procession  of  wagons  laden  with  baggage 
and  provisions.  To  take  two  thousand  men  through 
the  dense  forests  with  all  the  military  trappings  and 
supplies  of  a  European  army  would  be  to  put,  it  might 
be,  four  miles  of  its  rough  trail  between  van  and  rear  of 
the  struggling  line,  and  it  would  be  a  clumsy  enemy,  as 
fighting  went  in  the  woods,  who  could  not  cut  such  a 
force  into  pieces — "  like  thread,"  as  Franklin  said. 

The  thing  was  to  be  attempted,  nevertheless,  with 
stubborn  British  resolution.  It  was  the  19th  of  May 
before  all  the  forces  intended  for  the  march  were  finally 
collected  at  Fort  Cumberland,  twenty -two  hundred  men 
in  all — fourteen  hundred  regulars,  now  the  recruits  were 
in ;  nearly  five  hundred  Virginians,  horse  and  foot ;  two 
Independent  Companies  from  New  York ;  and  a  small 
force  of  sailors  from  the  transports  to  rig  tackle  for  the 
ordnance  when  there  was  need  on  the  rough  way.  And 
it  was  the  10th  of  June  when  the  advance  began, 
straight  into  that  "realm  of  forests  ancient  as  the 
world"  that  lay  without  limit  upon  all  the  western 
ways.  It  was  a  thing  of  infinite  difficulty  to  get  that 
lumbering  train  through  the  tangled  wilderness,  and  it 


86  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

kept  the  temper  of  the  truculent  Braddock  very  hot  to 
see  how  it  played  havoc  with  every  principle  and  prac 
tice  of  campaigning  he  had  ever  heard  of.  He  charged 
the  colonists  with  an  utter  want  alike  of  honor  and  of 
honesty  to  have  kept  him  so  long  awaiting  the  transpor 
tation  and  supplies  they  had  promised,  and  to  have  done 
so  little  to  end  with,  and  so  drew  Washington  into 
"frequent  disputes,  maintained  with  warmth  on  both 
sides " ;  but  the  difficulties  of  the  march  presently 
wrought  a  certain  forest  change  upon  him,  and  disposed 
him  to  take  counsel  of  his  young  Virginian  aide — the 
only  man  in  all  his  company  who  could  speak  out  of 
knowledge  in  that  wild  country.  On  the  19th,  at 
Washington's  advice,  he  took  twelve  hundred  men  and 
pressed  forward  with  a  lightened  train  to  a  quicker  ad 
vance,  leaving  Colonel  Dunbar  to  bring  up  the  rest  of 
the  troops  with  the  baggage.  Even  this  lightened  force 
halted  "  to  level  every  mole-hill,  and  to  erect  bridges  over 
every  brook,"  as  Washington  chafed  to  see,  and  "  were 
four  days  in  getting  twelve  miles";  but  the  pace  was 
better  than  before,  and  brought  them  at  last  almost  to 
their  destination. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  at  mid -day,  they  waded  the 
shallow  Monongahela,  but  eight  miles  from  Duquesne, 
making  a  brave  show  as  the  sun  struck  upon  their 
serried  ranks,  their  bright  uniforms,  their  fluttering 
banners,  and  their  glittering  arms,  and  went  straight 
into  the  rough  and  shadowed  forest  path  that  led  to  the 
French  post.  Upon  a  sudden  there  came  a  man  bound 
ing  along  the  path  to  meet  them,  wearing  the  gorget  of 
a  French  officer,  and  the  forest  behind  him  swarmed 
with  a  great  host  of  but  half-discovered  men.  Upon 
signal  given,  these  spread  themselves  to  the  right  and 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON  87 

left  within  the  shelter  of  the  forest,  and  from  their  cov 
ert  poured  a  deadly  fire  upon  Braddock's  advancing 
lines.  With  good  British  pluck  the  steady  regulars 
formed  their  accustomed  ranks,  crying,  "  God  save  the 
King !"  to  give  grace  to  the  volleys  they  sent  back  into 
the  forest ;  the  ordnance  was  brought  up  and  swung  to 
its  work ;  all  the  force  pressed  forward  to  take  what 
place  it  could  in  the  fight ;  but  where  was  the  use  ? 
Washington  besought  General  Braddock  to  scatter  his 
men  too,  and  meet  the  enemy  under  cover  as  they  came, 
but  he  would  not  listen.  They  must  stand  in  ranks,  as 
they  were  bidden,  and  take  the  fire  of  their  hidden  foes 
like  men,  without  breach  of  discipline.  When  they 
would  have  broken  in  spite  of  him,  in  their  panic  at 
being  slaughtered  there  in  the  open  glade  without  sight 
of  the  enemy,  Braddock  beat  them  back  with  his  sword, 
and  bitterly  cursed  them  for  cowards.  He  would  have 
kept  the  Virginians,  too,  back  from  the  covert  if  he 
could,  when  he  saw  them  seek  to  close  with  the  attack 
ing  party  in  true  forest  fashion.  As  it  was,  they  were 
as  often  shot  down  by  the  terror-stricken  regulars  be 
hind  them  as  by  their  right  foes  in  front.  They  alone 
made  any  head  in  the  fight ;  but  who  could  tell  in  such 
a  place  how  the  battle  fared?  No  one  could  count 
the  enemy  where  they  sprang  from  covert  to  covert. 
They  were,  in  fact,  near  a  thousand  strong  at  the  first 
meeting  in  the  way — more  than  six  hundred  Indians,  a 
motley  host  gathered  from  far  and  near  at  the  summons 
of  the  French,  sevenscore  Canadian  rangers,  seventy  odd 
regulars  from  the  fort,  and  thirty  or  forty  French  offi 
cers,  come  out  of  sheer  eagerness  to  have  a  hand  in  the 
daring  game.  Contrecoeur  could  not  spare  more  French 
men  from  his  little  garrison,  his  connections  at  the  lakes 


88  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

being  threatened,  and  he  sorely  straitened  for  men  and 
stores.  He  was  staking  everything,  as  it  was,  upon  this 
encounter  on  the  way.  If  the  English  should  shake  the 
savages  off,  as  he  deemed  they  would,  he  must  no  doubt 
withdraw  as  he  could  ere  the  lines  of  siege  were  closed 
about  him.  He  never  dreamed  of  such  largess  of  good 
fortune  as  came  pouring  in  upon  him.  The  English 
were  not  only  checked,  but  beaten.  They  had  never 
seen  business  like  this.  'Twas  a  pitiful,  shameful 
slaughter — men  shot  like  beasts  in  a  pen  there  where 
they  cowered  close  in  their  scarlet  ranks.  Their  first 
blazing  volleys  had  sent  the  craven  Canadians  scamper 
ing  back  the  way  they  had  come ;  Beaujeu,  who  led  the 
attack,  was  killed  almost  at  the  first  onset ;  but  the  gal 
lant  youngsters  who  led  the  motley  array  wavered  never 
an  instant,  and  readily  held  the  Indians  to  their  easy 
work.  Washington  did  all  ttyat  furious  energy  and  reck 
less  courage  could  to  keep  the  order  of  battle  his  com 
mander  had  so  madly  chosen,  to  hold  the  regulars  to 
their  blind  work  and  hearten  the  Virginians  to  stay  the 
threatened  rout,  driving  his  horse  everywhere  into  the 
thick  of  the  murderous  firing,  and  crying  upon  all  alike 
to  keep  to  it  steadily  like  men.  He  had  but  yesterday 
rejoined  the  advance,  having  for  almost  two  weeks  lain 
stricken  with  a  fever  in  Dun  bar's  camp.  He  could 
hardly  sit  his  cushioned  saddle  for  weakness  when  the 
fight  began ;  but  when  the  blaze  of  the  battle  burst,  his 
eagerness  was  suddenly  like  that  of  one  possessed,  and 
his  immunity  from  harm  like  that  of  one  charmed. 
Thrice  a  horse  was  shot  under  him,  many  bullets  cut  his 
clothing,  but  he  went  without  a  wound.  A  like  mad 
energy  drove  Braddock  storming  up  and  down  the 
breaking  lines;  but  he  was  mortally  stricken  at  last, 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON  89 

and  Washington  alone  remained  to  exercise  such  control 
as  was  possible  when  the  inevitable  rout  came. 

It  was  impossible  to  hold  the  ground  in  such  fashion. 
The  stubborn  Braddock  himself  had  ordered  a  retreat 
ere  the  fatal  bullet  found  him.  Sixty-three  out  of  the 
eighty-six  officers  of  his  force  were  killed  or  disabled ; 
less  than  five  hundred  men  out  of  all  the  thirteen  hun 
dred  who  had  but  just  now  passed  so  gallantly  through 
the  ford  remained  unhurt ;  the  deadly  slaughter  must 
have  gone  on  to  utter  destruction.  Retreat  was  inevita 
ble — 'twas  blessed  good  fortune  that  it  was  still  possi 
ble.  When  once  it  began  it  was  headlong,  reckless, 
frenzied.  The  men  ran  wildly,  blindly,  as  if  hunted  by 
demons  whom  no  man  might  hope  to  resist  —  haunted 
by  the  frightful  cries,  maddened  by  the  searching  and 
secret  fire  of  their  foes,  now  coming  hot  upon  their 
heels.  Wounded  comrades,  military  stores,  baggage, 
their  very  arms,  they  left  upon  the  ground,  abandoned. 
Far  into  the  night  they  ran  madly  on,  in  frantic  search 
for  the  camp  of  the  rear  division,  crying,  as  they  ran, 
for  help;  they  even  passed  the  camp,  in  their  uncontrol 
lable  terror  of  pursuit,  and  went  desperately  on  towards 
the  settlements.  Washington  and  the  few  officers  and 
provincials  who  scorned  the  terror  found  the  utmost 
difficulty  in  bringing  off  their  stricken  General,  where 
he  lay  wishing  to  die.  Upon  the  fourth  day  after  the 
battle  he  died,  loathing  the  sight  of  a  redcoat,  they  said, 
and  murmuring  praises  of  "  the  blues,"  the  once  despised 
Yirginians.  They  buried  his  body  in  the  road,  that  the 
army  wagons  might  pass  over  the  place  and  obliterate 
every  trace  of  a  grave  their  savage  enemies  might  re 
joice  to  find  and  desecrate. 

He  had  lived  to  reach  Dunbar's  camp,  but  not  to  see 


90  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

the  end  of  the  shameful  rout.     The  terror  mastered  the 
rear-guard  too.     They  destroyed  their  artillery,  burned 
their  wagons  and  stores,  emptied  their  powder  into  the 
streams,  and  themselves  broke  into  a  disordered,  fever 
ish  retreat  which  was  a  mere  flight,  their  craven  com 
mander  shamefully  acquiescing.     He  would  not  even 
hold  or  rally  them  at  Fort  Cumberland,  but  went  on, 
as  if  upon  a  hurried  errand,  all  the  way  to  Philadel 
phia,  leaving  the  fort,  and   all  the  frontier  with  it, 
"to  be  defended  by  invalids  and  a  few  Virginians." 
"  I  acknowledge,"  cried  Dinwiddie,  "  I  was  not  brought 
up  to  arms;    but  I  think  common -sense  would  have 
prevailed  not  to  leave  the  frontier  exposed  after  hav 
ing  opened  a  road  over  the  mountains  to  the  Ohio, 
by  which  the  enemy  can  the  more  easily  invade  us. 
The   whole  conduct   of  Colonel  Dunbar  seems  to  be 
monstrous."     And  so,  indeed,  it  was.     But  the  colonies 
at  large  had  little  time  to  think  of  it.     Governor  Shir 
ley  had  gone  against  Niagara  only  to  find  the  French 
ready  for  him  at  every  point,  now  that  they  had  read 
Braddock's  papers,  taken  at  Duquesne,  and  to  come  back 
again  without  doing  anything.     Beausejour  had  been 
taken  in  Acadia,  but  it  lay  apart  from  the  main  field  of 
struggle.     Johnson  beat  the  French  off  at  Lake  George 
when  they  attacked  him,  and  took  Dieskau,  their  com 
mander  ;  but  he  contented  himself  with  that,  and  left 
Crown  Point  untouched.     There  were  other   frontiers 
besides  those  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  to  be  looked 
to  and  guarded.     For  three  long  years  did  the  fortunes 
of  the  English  settlements  go  steadily  from  danger  to 
desperation,  as  the  French  and  their  savage  allies  ad 
vanced  from  victory  to  victory.     In  1756  Oswego  was 
taken ;  in  1757,  Fort  William  Henry.     Commander  sue- 


„-« 


Washington  Gage         Gates 

THE   BURIAL   OP    BRADDOCK 


COLONEL   WASHINGTON  91 

ceeded  commander  among  the  English,  only  to  add  blun 
der  to  blunder,  failure  to  failure.  And  all  the  while  it 
fell  to  Washington,  Virginia's  chief  stay  in  her  desperate 
trouble,  to  stand  steadfastly  to  the  hopeless  work  of 
keeping  three  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  frontier  with 
a  few  hundred  men  against  prowling  bands  of  sav 
ages,  masters  of  the  craft  of  swift  and  secret  attack, 
"dexterous  at  skulking,"  in  a  country  "mountainous 
and  full  of  swamps  and  hollow  ways  covered  with 
woods." 

For  twenty  years  now  settlers  had  been  coming 
steadily  into  this  wilderness  that  lay  up  and  down  upon 
the  nearer  slopes  of  the  great  mountains — Germans, 
Scots-Irish,  a  hardy  breed.  Their  settlements  lay  scat 
tered  far  and  near  among  the  foot-hills  and  valleys. 
Their  men  were  valiant  and  stout-hearted,  quick  with 
the  rifle,  hard  as  flint  when  they  were  once  afoot  to  re 
venge  themselves  for  murdered  wives  and  children  and 
comrades.  But  how  could  they,  scattered  as  they  were, 
meet  these  covert  sallies  in  the  dead  of  night — a  sudden 
rush  of  men  with  torches,  the  keen  knife,  the  quick  rifle? 
The  country  filled  with  fugitives,  for  whom  Washing 
ton's  militiamen  could  find  neither  food  nor  shelter. 
"  The  supplicating  tears  of  the  women,  and  moving  pe 
titions  of  the  men,"  cried  the  young  commander,  "  melt 
me  into  such  deadly  sorrow  that  I  solemnly  declare,  if 
I  know  my  own  mind,  I  could  offer  myself  a  willing 
sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy,  provided  that  would 
contribute  to  the  people's  ease.  ...  I  would  be  a  will 
ing  offering  to  savage  fury,  and  die  by  inches  to  save  a 
people."  It  was  a  comfort  to  know,  at  the  least,  that 
he  was  trusted  and  believed  in.  The  Burgesses  had 
thanked  him  under  the  very  stroke  of  Braddock's  defeat, 


92  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

in  terms  which  could  not  be  doubted  sincere.  In  the 
very  thick  of  his  deep  troubles,  when  he  would  have 
guarded  the  helpless  people  of  the  border,  but  could  not, 
Colonel  Fairfax  could  send  him  word  from  Williams- 
burg,  "  Your  good  health  and  fortune  are  the  toast  at 
every  table."  "  Our  Colonel,"  wrote  a  young  comrade 
in  arms,  "  is  an  example  of  fortitude  in  either  danger  or 
hardships,  and  by  his  easy,  polite  behavior  has  gained 
not  only  the  regard  but  affection  of  both  officers  and 
soldiers."  Bat  it  took  all  the  steadiness  that  had  been 
born  or  bred  in  him  to  endure  the  strain  of  the  dis 
heartening  task,  from  which  he  could  not  in  honor 
break  away.  His  plans,  he  complained,  were  "  to-day 
approved,  to-morrow  condemned."  He  was  bidden  do 
what  was  impossible.  It  would  require  fewer  men  to 
go  against  Duquesne  again  and  remove  the  cause  of 
danger  than  to  prevent  the  effects  while  the  cause  re 
mained.  Many  of  his  officers  were  careless  and  ineffi 
cient,  many  of  his  men  mutinous.  "  Your  Honor  will, 
I  hope,  excuse  my  hanging  instead  of  shooting  them," 
he  wrote  to  the  Governor ;  "  it  conveyed  much  more 
terror  to  others,  and  it  was  for  example'  sake  that  we 
did  it."  It  was  a  test  as  of  fire  for  a  young  colonel  in 
his  twenties. 

But  a  single  light  lies  upon  the  picture.  Early  in 
1756,  ere  the  summer's  terror  had  come  upon  the  bor 
der,  and  while  he  could  be  spared,  he  took  horse  and 
made  his  way  to  Boston  to  see  Governor  Shirley,  now 
acting  as  commander-in-chief  in  the  colonies,  and  from 
him  at  first  hand  obtain  settlement  of  that  teasing  ques 
tion  of  rank  that  had  already  driven  the  young  officer 
once  from  the  service.  He  went  very  bravely  dight  in 
proper  uniform  of  buff  and  blue,  a  white -and -scarlet 


WASHINGTON    AND   MARY  PHILIPSE 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON  93 

cloak  upon  his  shoulders,  the  sword  at  his  side  knotted 
with  red  and  gold,  his  horse's  fittings  engraved  with  the 
Washington  arras,  and  trimmed  in  the  best  style  of  the 
London  saddlers.  With  him  rode  two  aides  in  their 
uniforms,  and  two  servants  in  their  white -and -scarlet 
livery.  Curious  folk  who  looked  upon  the  celebrated 
young  officer  upon  the  road  saw  him  fare  upon  his  way 
with  all  the  pride  of  a  Virginian  gentleman,  a  hand 
some  man,  and  an  admirable  horseman — a  very  gallant 
figure,  no  one  could  deny.  Everywhere  he  was  feted 
as  he  went ;  everywhere  he  showed  himself  the  earnest, 
high-strung,  achieving  youth  he  was.  In  New  York  he 
fell  into  a  new  ambush,  from  which  he  did  not  come  off 
without  a  wound.  His  friend  Beverly  Kobinson  must 
needs  have  Miss  Mary  Philipse  at  his  house  there,  a 
beauty  and  an  heiress,  and  Washington  came  away 
from  her  with  a  sharp  rigor  at  his  heart.  But  he  could 
not  leave  that  desolate  frontier  at  home  unprotected  to 
stay  for  a  siege  upon  a  lady's  heart ;  he  had  recovered 
from  such  wounds  before,  had  before  that  left  pleasure 
for  duty;  and  in  proper  season  was  back  at  his  post, 
with  papers  from  Shirley  which  left  no  doubt  who 
should  command  in  Virginia. 

At  last,  in  1758,  the  end  came,  when  William  Pitt 
thrust  smaller  men  aside  and  became  Prime-Minister  in 
England.  Amherst  took  Louisbourg,  Wolfe  came  to 
Quebec,  and  General  Forbes,  that  stout  and  steady  sol 
dier,  was  sent  to  Virginia  to  go  again  against  Duquesne. 
The  advance  was  slow  to  exasperation  in  the  view  of 
every  ardent  man  like  Washington,  and  cautious  almost 
to  timidity  ;  but  the  very  delay  redounded  to  its  success 
at  last.  'Twas  November  before  Duquesne  was  reached. 
The  Indians  gathered  there,  seeing  winter  come  on,  had 


94  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

not  waited  to  meet  them ;  and  the  French  by  that  time 
knew  themselves  in  danger  of  being  cut  off  by  the  Eng 
lish  operations  in  the  North.  When  Forbes' s  forces, 
therefore,  at  last  entered  those  fatal  woods  again,  where 
Braddock's  slaughtered  men  had  lain  to  rot,  the  French 
had  withdrawn;  nothing  remained  but  to  enter  the 
smoking  ruins  of  their  abandoned  fort,  hoist  the  King's 
flag,  and  re-name  the  post  Fort  Pitt ;  and  Washington 
turned  homeward  again  to  seek  the  rest  he  so  much 
needed.  It  had  been  almost  a  bloodless  campaign,  but 
such  danger  as  it  had  brought  Washington  had  shared 
to  the  utmost.  The  French  had  not  taken  themselves 
off  without  at  least  one  trial  of  the  English  strength. 
While  yet  Forbes  lay  within  the  mountains  a  large  de 
tachment  had  come  from  Duquesne  to  test  and  recon 
noitre  his  force.  Colonel  Mercer,  of  the  Virginian  line, 
had  been  ordered  forward  with  a  party  to  meet  them. 
He  stayed  so  long,  and  the  noise  of  the  firing  came 
back  with  so  doubtful  a  meaning  to  the  anxious  ears  at 
the  camp,  that  Washington  hastened  with  volunteers  to 
his  relief.  In  the  dusk  the  two  bodies  of  Englishmen 
met,  mistook  each  other  for  enemies,  exchanged  a  dead 
ly  fire,  and  were  checked  only  because  Washington, 
rushing  between  their  lines,  even  while  their  pieces 
blazed,  cried  his  hot  commands  to  stop,  and  struck  up 
the  smoking  muzzles  with  his  sword.  'Twas  through 
no  prudence  of  his  he  was  not  shot. 

For  a  long  time  his  friends  had  felt  a  deep  uneasiness 
about  his  health.  They  had  very  earnestly  besought 
him  not  to  attempt  a  new  campaign.  "  You  will  in  all 
probability  bring  on  a  relapse,"  George  Mason  had 
warned  him,  "  and  render  yourself  incapable  of  serving 
the  public  at  a  time  when  there  may  be  the  utmost  oc- 


COLONEL  WASHINGTON 


95 


casion.  There  is  nothing  more  certain  than  that  a  gen 
tleman  of  your  station  owes  the  care  of  his  health  and 
his  life  not  only  to  himself  and  his  friends,  but  to  his 
country."  But  he  had  deemed  the  nearest  duty  the 
most  imperative ;  and  it  was  only  after  that  duty  was 
disposed  of  that  he  had  turned  from  the  field  to  seek 
home  and  new  pleasures  along  with  new  duties.  The 
winter  brought  news  from  Quebec  of  the  fall  of  the 
French  power  in  America,  which  made  rest  and  home 
and  pleasure  the  more  grateful  and  full  of  zest. 


MOUNT   YEENON   DAYS 


CHAPTER    IV 

ON  a  May  day  in  1758,  as  he  spurred  upon  the  way  to 
Williamsburg,  under  orders  from  the  frontier,  Washing 
ton  rode  straight  upon  an  adventure  he  had  not  looked 
for.  He  was  within  a  few  hours'  ride  of  the  little  capi 
tal  ;  old  plantations  lay  close  upon  the  way  ;  neighborly 
homes  began  to  multiply ;  and  so  striking  a  horseman, 
riding  uniformed  and  attended,  could  not  thereabouts 
go  far  unrecognized.  He  was  waylaid  and  haled  to  din- 
ner,  despite  excuses  and  protests  of  public  business  call 
ing  for  despatch.  There  was  a  charming  woman  to  be 
seen  at  the  house,  his  friend  told  him,  if  a  good  dinner 
was  not  argument  enough — and  his  business  could  not 
spoil  for  an  hour's  stay  in  agreeable  company.  And  so, 
of  a  sudden,  under  constraint  of  Virginian  hospitality, 
he  was  hurried  into  the  presence  of  the  gracious  young 
matron  who  was  at  once,  and  as  if  of  right,  to  make  his 
heart  safe  against  further  quest  or  adventure.  Martha 
Custis  was  but  six-and-twenty.  To  the  charm  of  youth 
and  beauty  were  added  that  touch  of  quiet  sweetness 
and  that  winning  grace  of  self-possession  which  come  to 
a  woman  wived  in  her  girlhood,  and  widowed  before 
age  or  care  has  checked  the  first  full  tide  of  life.  At 
seventeen  she  had  married  Daniel  Parke  Custis,  a  man 
more  than  twenty  years  her  senior ;  but  eight  years  of 
quiet  love  and  duty  as  wife  and  mother  had  only  made 


100  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

her  youth  the  more  gracious  in  that  rural  land  of  leisure 
and  good  neighborhood ;  and  a  year's  widowhood  had 
been  but  a  suitable  preparation  for  perceiving  the  charm 
of  this  stately  young  soldier  who  now  came  riding  her 
way  upon  the  public  business.  His  age  was  her  own  ; 
all  the  land  knew  him  and  loved  him  for  gallantry  and 
brave  capacity;  he  carried  himself  like  a  prince— and 
he  forgot  his  errand  to  linger  in  her  company.  Dinner 
was  soon  over,  and  his  horses  at  the  door;  there  was 
the  drilled  and  dutiful  Bishop,  trained  servant  that  he 
was,  leading  his  restless  and  impatient  charge  back  and 
forth  within  sight  of  the  windows  and  of  the  terrace 
where  his  young  Colonel  tarried,  absorbed  and  forget 
ful  ;  man  and  beast  alike  had  been  in  the  service  of  the 
unhappy  Braddock,and  might  seem  to  walk  there  lively 
memorials  of  duty  done  and  undertaken.  But  dusk 
came;  the  horses  were  put  up;  and  the  next  morning 
was  well  advanced  before  the  abstracted  3Toung  officer 
got  at  last  to  his  saddle,  and  spurred  on  belated  to 
Williamsburg.  His  business  concerned  the  preparations 
then  afoot  for  General  Forbes's  advance  upon  Duquesne. 
"  I  came  here  at  this  critical  juncture,"  said  Washington 
to  the  President  of  the  Council,  "  by  the  express  order 
of  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  to  represent  in  the  fullest  man 
ner  the  posture  of  our  affairs  at  Winchester" — lack 
of  clothes,  arms,  and  equipage,  lack  of  money,  lack  of 
wise  regulations  touching  rank  and  discipline.  General 
Forbes  had  been  in  Philadelphia  a  month  already, 
awaiting  the  formation  of  his  army  in  Virginia;  Sir 
John  St.  Clair,  his  quartermaster-general,  had  come  into 
the  province  to  see  that  proper  plans  were  made  and 
executed ;  it  was  necessary  that  matters  should  be 
pressed  forward  very  diligently  and  at  once ;  and  Wash- 


• 


Patrick  Henry        Washington        Pendleton 
LEAVING   MOUNT   VERNON  FOR    THE   CONGRESS  OF    THE    COLONIES 


MOUNT  VERNON  DAYS  101 

ington,  when  once  at  the  seat  of  government,  was  not 
slack  to  urge  and  superintend  official  action.  But,  the 
troublesome  business  once  in  proper  course,  he  turned 
back  to  seek  Mrs.  Custis  again,  this  time  at  her  own 
home,  ere  he  went  the  long  distance  of  the  frontier. 
The  onset  was  made  with  a  soldier's  promptness  and 
audacity.  He  returned  to  his  post,  after  a  delay  too 
slight  to  deserve  any  reasonable  man's  remark,  and  yet 
with  a  pledge  given  and  taken  which  made  him  look 
forward  to  the  end  of  the  campaign  with  a  new  longing 
as  to  the  winning  of  a  real  home  and  an  unwonted  hap 
piness. 

This  was  not  his  first  adventure  in  love,  but  it  was  his 
last,  and  gave  him  a  quiet  joy  which  stood  him  in  stead 
a  whole  lifetime.  No  young  Virginian  could  live  twenty- 
six  years  amidst  fair  women  in  that  hale  and  sociable 
colony  without  being  touched  again  and  again  by  the 
quick  passion ;  and  this  man  had  the  blood  of  a  lover 
beyond  his  fellows.  Despite  the  shyness  of  a  raw  lad 
who  lived  much  in  the  open,  he  had  relished  the  com 
pany  of  lively  women  from  the  first,  meeting  their  gay 
sallies  sometimes  with  a  look  from  his  frank  blue  eyes 
that  revealed  more  than  he  knew.  Love  had  first  found 
him  out  in  earnest  six  years  ago,  when  he  was  but  just 
turned  of  twenty ;  and  it  had  taken  all  the  long  while 
since  to  forget  his  repulse  at  the  hands  of  a  fair  young 
beauty  in  that  day  of  passion.  Mary  Phillipse  had  but 
taken  his  fancy  for  a  moment,  because  he  could  not  pass 
such  a  woman  by  and  deem  himself  still  a  true  Yirgin- 
ian.  It  was  more  serious  that  he  had  been  much  in  the 
company,  these  last  years,  of  a  fair  neighbor  of  the 
vivacious  house  of  Gary,  whose  wit  and  beauty  had 
haunted  him  in  the  very  thick  of  campaigns  upon  the 


102  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

frontier,  and  who  still  mastered  his  heart  now  and 
again,  with  a  sort  of  imperious  charm,  in  the  midst  of 
this  very  happy  season  when  he  knew  Martha  Custis 
his  veritable  heart's  mistress  for  the  future.  It  may 
well  have  made  him  glad  of  misadventures  in  the  past 
to  know  his  heart  safe  now. 

The  campaign  dragged  painfully,  far  into  the  drear  au 
tumn.  December  had  come  before  the  captured  post  on 
the  Ohio  could  be  left  to  the  keeping  of  Colonel  Mercer 
and  a  little  garrison  of  provincials.  But  when  at  last 
he  was  free  again  there  was  no  reason  why  Washington 
should  wait  longer  to  be  happy,  and  he  was  married  to 
Martha  Custis  on  the  6th  of  January,  1759.  The  sun 
shone  very  bright  that  day,  and  there  was  the  fine  glit 
ter  of  gold,  the  brave  show  of  resplendent  uniforms,  in 
the  little  church  where  the  marriage  was  solemnized. 
Officers  of  his  Majesty's  service  crowded  there,  in  their 
gold  lace  and  scarlet  coats,  to  see  their  comrade  wedded ; 
the  new  Governor,  Francis  Fauquier,  himself  came,  clad 
as  befitted  his  rank;  and  the  bridegroom  took  the  sun 
not  less  gallantly  than  the  rest,  as  he  rode,  in  blue  and 
silver  and  scarlet,  beside  the  coach  and  six  that  bore  his 
bride  homeward  amidst  the  thronging  friends  of  the 
country  -  side.  The  young  soldier's  love  of  a  gallant 
array  and  a  becoming  ceremony  was  satisfied  to  the 
full,  and  he  must  have  rejoiced  to  be  so  brave  a  horse 
man  on  such  a  day.  For  three  months  of  deep  content 
he  lived  with  his  bride  at  her  own  residence,  the  White 
House,  by  York  River  side,  where  their  troth  had  been 
plighted,  forgetting  the  fatigues  of  the  frontier,  and 
learning  gratefully  the  new  life  of  quiet  love  and  home 
ly  duty. 

These  peaceful,  healing  months  gone  by,  he  turned 


MOUNT  VERNON  DAYS  103 

once  more  to  public  business.  Six  months  before  his 
marriage  he  had  been  chosen  a  member  of  the  House  cf 
Burgesses  for  Frederick  County — the  county  which  had 
been  his  scene  of  adventure  in  the  old  days  of  surveying 
in  the  wilderness,  and  in  which  ever  since  Braddock's 
fatal  rout  he  had  maintained  his  headquarters  striving 
to  keep  the  border  against  the  savages.  Small  wonder 
that  he  led  the  poll  taken  there  in  Winchester,  where 
through  so  many  seasons  men  had  seen  him  bear  him 
self  like  a  capable  man  and  a  gallant,  indomitable  sol 
dier.  'Twas  no  unwelcome  duty,  either,  to  take  his 
young  wife  to  Williamsburg  in  "  the  season,"  when  all 
Virginia  was  in  town  in  the  persons  of  the  Burgesses 
and  the  country  gentry  come  to  enjoy  the  festivities 
and  join  in  the  business  then  sure  to  be  afoot.  The 
young  soldier  was  unused  to  assemblies,  however,  and 
suffered  a  keen  embarrassment  to  find  himself  for  a 
space  too  conspicuous  amidst  the  novel  parliamentary 
scene.  He  had  hardly  taken  his  seat  when  the  gracious 
and  stately  Robinson,  Speaker  of  the  House  and  Treas 
urer  of  the  colony  these  twenty  years,  rose,  at  the  bid 
ding  of  the  Burgesses,  to  thank  him  for  the  services  of 
which  all  were  speaking.  This  sudden  praise,  spoken 
with  generous  warmth  there  in  a  public  place,  was  more 
than  Washington  knew  how  to  meet.  He  got  to  his 
feet  when  Mr.  Speaker  was  done,  but  he  could  not  utter 
a  syllable.  He  stood  there,  instead,  hot  with  blushes, 
stammering,  all  a-tremble  from  head  to  foot.  "  Sit 
down,  Mr.  Washington,"  cried  the  Speaker;  "your 
modesty  is  equal  to  your  valor,  and  that  surpasses  the 
power  of  any  language  that  I  possess." 

Again  and  again,  as  the  years  passed,  Washington  re 
turned  at  each  session  to  Williamsburg  to  take  his  place 


104  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

in  the  Assembly  ;  and  with  custom  came  familiarity  and 
the  ease  and  firmness  he  at  first  had  lacked  upon  the 
floor.  His  life  broadened  about  him ;  all  the  uses  of 
peace  contributed  to  give  him  facility  and  knowledge 
and  a  wide  comradeship  in  affairs.  Along  with  quiet 
days  as  a  citizen,  a  neighbor,  and  a  country  gentleman, 
came  maturity  and  the  wise  lessons  of  a  various  experi 
ence.  No  man  in  Virginia  lived  more  or  with  a  greater 
zest  henceforth  than  Colonel  Washington.  His  mar 
riage  brought  him  great  increase  of  wealth,  as  well  as 
increase  of  responsibility.  Mr.  Custis  had  left  many 
thousand  acres  of  land,  and  forty-five  thousand  pounds 
sterling  in  money,  a  substantial  fortune  to  the  young 
wife  and  the  two  little  children  who  survived  him ;  and 
Washington  had  become,  by  special  decree  of  the  Gov 
ernor  and  Council  in  General  Court,  trustee  and  mana 
ger  of  the  whole.  It  needed  capacity  and  knowledge 
and  patience  of  no  mean  order  to  get  good  farming  out 
of  slaves,  and  profitable  prices  out  of  London  merchants ; 
to  find  prompt  and  trustworthy  ship-masters  by  whom  to 
send  out  cargoes,  and  induce  correspondents  over  sea  to 
ship  the  perishable  goods  sent  in  return  by  the  right  ves 
sels,  bound  to  the  nearest  river ;  and  the  bigger  your  es 
tate  the  more  difficult  its  proper  conduct  and  economy, 
the  more  disastrous  in  scale  the  eifects  of  mismanage 
ment.  No  doubt  the  addition  of  Mrs.  Custis's  handsome 
property  to  his  own  broad  and  fertile  acres  at  Mount 
Yernon  made  Colonel  Washington  one  of  the  wealthiest 
men  in  Virginia.  But  Virginian  wealth  was  not  to  be 
counted  till  crops  were  harvested  and  got  to  market.  The 
current  price  of  tobacco  might  leave  you  with  or  with 
out  a  balance  to  your  credit  in  London,  your  only  clear 
ing-house,  as  it  chanced.  Your  principal  purchases,  too, 


.,!& 


MOUNT  VERNON  DAYS  105 

must  be  made  over  sea  and  through  factors.  Both  what 
you  sold  and  what  you  bought  must  take  the  hazards  of 
the  sea  voyage,  the  whims  of  sea  captains,  the  chances  of 
a  foreign  market.  To  be  farmer  and  merchant  at  once, 
manage  your  own  negroes  and  your  own  overseers,  and 
conduct  an  international  correspondence ;  to  keep  the  run 
of  price!  current,  duties,  port  dues,  and  commissions,  and 
know  the  fluctuating  rates  of  exchange;  to  understand 
and  meet  all  changes,  whether  in  merchants  or  in  mar 
kets,  three  thousand  miles  away,  required  an  amount  of 
information,  an  alertness,  a  steady  attention  to  detail,  a 
sagacity  in  farming  and  a  shrewdness  in  trade,  such  as 
made  a  great  property  a  burden  to  idle  or  inefficient 
men.  But  Washington  took  pains  to  succeed.  He  had 
a  great  zest  for  business.  The  practical  genius  which 
had  shone  in  him  almost  prematurely  as  a  boy  now 
grew  heartily  in  him  as  a  man  of  fortune.  Messrs. 
Robert  Gary  &  Company,  his  factors  in  London,  must 
soon  have  learned  to  recognize  his  letters,  in  the  mere 
handling,  by  their  bulk.  No  detail  escaped  him  when 
once  he  had  gotten  into  the  swing  of  the  work. 
They  must  be  as  punctilious  as  he  \vas,  they  found,  in 
seeing  to  every  part  of  the  trade  and  accounting  with 
which  he  intrusted  them,  or  else  look  to  lose  his  lucra 
tive  patronage.  He  was  not  many  years  in  learning 
how  to  make  the  best  tobacco  in  Virginia,  and  to  get  it 
recognized  as  such  in  England.  Barrels  of  flour  marked 
"  George  Washington,  Mount  Vernon,"  were  ere  long 
suffered  to  pass  the  inspectors  at  the  ports  of  the  Brit 
ish  West  Indies  without  scrutiny.  It  was  worth  while 
to  serve  so  efficient  a  man  to  his  satisfaction ;  worth 
while  or  not,  he  would  not  be  served  otherwise. 

He  had  emerged,  as  it  were,  after  a  tense  and  troubled 


106  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

youth,  upon  a  peaceful  tract  of  time,  where  his  powers 
could  stretch  and  form  themselves  without  strain  or 
hurry.  He  had  robust  health,  to  which  he  gave  leave 
in  unstinted  work,  athletic  strength,  and  an  insatiable 
relish  for  being  much  afoot  and  in  the  open,  which  he 
satisfied  with  early  rounds  of  superintendence  in  the 
fields  where  the  men  were  at  their  tasks,  with  many  a 
tireless  ride  after  the  hounds,  or  steadfast  wait  at  the 
haunts  of  the  deer ;  a  planning  will  that  craved  some 
practical  achievement  every  day,  which  he  indulged  by 
finding  tasks  of  betterment  about  the  estate  and  keep 
ing  his  men  at  them  with  unflagging  discipline ;  a  huge 
capacity  for  being  useful  and  for  understanding  bow  to 
be  so,  which  he  suffered  his  neighbors,  his  parish,  his 
county,  the  colony  itself,  to  employ  when  there  was 
need.  To  a  young  man,  bred  these  ten  vears  in  the  for 
ests  and  in  the  struggle  of  warfare  upon  a  far  frontier, 
it  had  been  intolerable  to  live  tamely,  without  executive 
tasks  big  and  various  enough  to  keep  his  energy  from 
rust.  The  clerical  side  of  business  he  had  learned  very 
thoroughly  in  camp,  as  well  as  the  exceeding  stir  and 
strain  of  individual  effort — the  incessant  letter  writing 
necessary  to  keep  promised  performance  afoot,  the  reck 
oning  of  men  and  of  stores,  the  nice  calculations  of  time 
and  ways  and  means  ;  the  scrutiny  of  individual  men, 
too,  which  is  so  critical  a  part  of  management,  and  the 
slow  organization  of  effort :  he  had  been  in  a  fine  school 
for  these  things  all  his  youth,  and  would  have  thought 
shame  to  himself  not  to  have  learned  temperance,  sagac 
ity,  thrift,  and  patience  wherewith  to  use  his  energy. 
His  happy  marriage  did  him  the  service  to  keep  him 
from  restlessness.  His  love  took  his  allegiance,  and 
held  him  to  his  home  as  to  a  post  of  honor  and  reward. 


MOUNT  VERNON  DAYS  107 

He  had  never  before  had  leave  to  be  tender  with  chil 
dren,  or  show  with  what  a  devotion  he  could  preside 
over  a  household  all  his  own.  His  home  got  strong 
hold  upon  him.  His  estates  gave  him  scope  of  com 
mand  and  a  life  of  action.  'Twas  no  wonder  he  kept 
his  factors  busy,  and  shipped  goods  authenticated  by  the 
brand. 

The  soldierly  young  planter  gave  those  who  knew 
him  best,  as  well  as  those  who  met  him  but  to  pass,  the 
impression  of  a  singular  restraint  and  self-command, 
which  lent  a  peculiar  dignity  and  charm  to  his  speech 
and  carriage.  They  deemed  him  deeply  passionate,  and 
yet  could  never  remember  to  have  seen  him  in  a  pas 
sion.  The  impression  was  often  a  wholesome  check 
upon  strangers,  and  even  upon  friends  and  neighbors, 
who  would  have  sought  to  impose  upon  him.  No  doubt 
he  had  given  way  to  bursts  of  passion  often  enough  in 
camp  and  upon  the  march,  when  inefficiency,  disobedi 
ence,  or  cowardice  angered  him  hotly  and  of  a  sudden. 
There  were  stories  to  be  heard  of  men  who  had  reason 
to  remember  how  terrible  he  could  be  in  his  wrath. 
But  he  had  learned,  in  the  very  heat  and  discipline 
of  such  scenes,  how  he  must  curb  and  guard  himself 
against  surprise,  and  it  was  no  doubt  trials  of  command 
made  in  his  youth  that  had  given  him  the  fine  self-poise 
men  noted  in  him  now.  He  had  been  bred  in  a  strict 
school  of  manners  at  Belvoir  and  Greenway  Court,  and 
here  at  his  own  Mount  Yernon  in  the  old  days,  and  the 
place  must  have  seemed  to  him  full  of  the  traditions  of 
whatsoever  was  just  and  honest  and  lovely  and  of  good 
report  as  he  looked  back  to  the  time  of  his  gentle 
brother.  It  was  still  dangerous  to  cross  or  thwart 
him,  indeed.  Poachers  might  look  to  be  caught  and 


108  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

soundly  thrashed  by  the  master  himself  if  he  chanced 
their  way.  Negligent  overseers  might  expect  sharp 
penalties,  and  unfaithful  contractors  a  strict  accounting, 
if  necessary  work  went  wrong  by  their  fault.  He  was 
exacting  almost  to  the  point  of  harshness  in  every  mat 
ter  of  just  right  or  authority.  But  he  was  open  and 
wholesome  as  the  day,  and  reasonable  to  the  point  of 
pity  in  every  affair  of  humanity,  through  it  all.  Now 
it  was  "  my  rascally  overseer,  Hard  wick,"  in  his  diary, 
when  certain  mares  were  sent  home  "  scarce  able  to 
highlone,  much  less  to  assist  in  the  business  of  the 
plantations  ";  but  not  a  month  later  it  was  "  my  worthy 
overseer,  Hardwick,  lying  in  Winchester  of  a  broken 
leg."  It  was  not  in  his  way  to  add  anything  to  the 
penalties  of  nature. 

A  quiet  simplicity  of  life  and  a  genuine  love  of  real 
sport  rid  him  of  morbid  humors.  All  up  and  down  the 
English  world,  while  the  eighteenth  century  lasted,  gen 
tlemen  were  commonly  to  be  found  drunk  after  dinner 
— outside  New  England,  where  the  efficient  Puritan 
Church  had  fastened  so  singular  a  discipline  in  manners 
upon  a  whole  society — and  Virginian  gentlemen  had  a 
reputation  for  deep  drinking  which  they  had  been  at 
some  pains  to  deserve.  A  rural  society  craves  excite 
ment,  and  can  get  it  very  simply  by  such  practices. 
There  is  always  leisure  to  sleep  afterwards,  even 
though  your  dinner  come  in  the  middle  of  the  day ;  and 
there  is  good  reason  you  should  be  thirsty  if  you  have 
been  since  daybreak  in  the  saddle.  To  ride  hard  and  to 
drink  hard  seemed  to  go  together  in  Virginia  as  inevita 
bly  as  the  rhymes  in  a  song;  and  'twas  famous  hard 
riding  after  the  fox  over  the  rough  fields  and  through 
the  dense  thickets.  If  Washington  drank  only  small 


MOUNT  VERNON  DAYS  109 

beer  or  cider  and  a  couple  of  glasses  of  Madeira  at  din 
ner,  it  was  no  doubt  because  he  had  found  his  quick 
blood  tonic  enough,  and  had  set  himself  a  hard  regimen 
as  a  soldier.  He  did  not  scruple  to  supply  drink  enough 
for  the  thirstiest  gathering  when  he  presented  himself 
to  the  voters  of  the  country-side  as  a  candidate  for  the 
House  of  Burgesses.  "  A  hogshead  and  a  barrel  of 
punch,  thirty -five  gallons  of  wine,  forty -three  gallons 
of  strong  cider,  and  dinner  for  his  friends,"  was  what 
he  cheerfully  paid  for  at  his  first  election,  and  the  poll 
footed  but  a  few  hundred  votes  all  told.  Mount  Vernon 
saw  as  much  company  and  as  constant  merriment  and 
good  cheer  as  any  house  in  Virginia ;  and  the  master 
was  no  martinet  to  his  guests,  even  though  they  came 
upon  professional  errands.  "  Doctor  Laurie  came  here, 
I  may  add  drunk,"  says  l}is  quiet  diary,  without  com 
ment,  though  the  doctor  had  come  upon  summons  to  at 
tend  Mrs.  Washington,  and  was  next  morning  suffered 
to  use  his  lancet  for  her  relief.  No  doubt  a  good  fel 
low  when  sober,  and  not  to  be  lightly  chidden  when 
drunk,  like  many  a  gallant  horseman  and  gentleman 
who  joined  the  meet  of  the  country-side  at  the  hospita 
ble  place  to  follow  the  hounds  when  the  hunting  was 
good.  There  was  fox-hunting  winter  and  summer,  in 
season  and  out,  but  the  sport  was  best  in  the  frosty 
days  of  January  and  February,  when  the  year  was 
young  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  country  round  gathered 
at  Belvoir  or  Gunston  Hall  or  Mount  Yernon  two  or 
three  times  a  week  to  warm  their  blood  in  the  hale 
sport,  and  dine  together  afterwards — a  cordial  company 
of  neighbors,  with  as  many  topics  of  good  talk  as  foxes 
to  run  to  cover.  The  hunt  went  fastest  and  most  in 
cessantly  when  Lord  Fairfax  came  down  from  his  lodge 


110  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

in  the  Valley  and  joined  them  for  days  together  in  tl 
field  and  at  the  table. 

Washington  loved  horses  and  dogs  with  the  heartiei 
sportsman  of  them  all.  He  had  a  great  gusto  for  stali 
ing  deer  with  George  Mason  on  the  broad  foreste 
tracts  round  Gunston  Hall,  and  liked  often  to  take  gu 
or  rod  after  lesser  game  when  the  days  fell  dull ;  bi 
best  of  all  he  loved  a  horse's  back,  and  the  hard  ride  f ( 
hours  together  after  the  dogs  and  a  crafty  quarry- 
horse  it  put  a  man  to  his  points  to  ride,  a  countr 
where  the  running  was  only  for  those  who  dared.  H 
own  mounts  could  nowhere  be  bettered  in  Virgini; 
There  was  full  blood  of  Araby  in  his  noble  Magnolii 
and  as  good  hunting  blood  as  was  to  be  found  in  tt 
colony  in  his  Blueskin  and  Ajax,  Valiant  and  Chin] 
ling.  His  hounds  he  bred  "  so  flew'd,  so  sanded,"  s 
matched  in  speed  and  habit,  that  they  kept  always  tur 
and  pace  together  in  the  field.  "  A  cry  more  tuneabl 
was  never  holla'd  to,  nor  cheered  with  horn,"  than  theii 
when  they  were  let  "  spend  their  mouths  "  till  echo  p 
plied  "  as  if  another  chase  were  in  the  skies."  JTvv£ 
first  to  the  stables  for  him  always  in  the  morning,  an 
then  to  the  kennels. 

It  had  been  hard  and  anxious  work  to  get  his  affaii 
into  prosperous  shape  again  when  the  war  was  ove 
and  those  long,  hopeless  summers  on  the  stricken  froi 
tier.  Stock,  buildings,  fences  —  everything  had  to  t 
renewed,  refitted,  repaired.  For  the  first  two  or  thrc 
years  there  were  even  provisions  to  buy,  so  slow  was  ti 
place  to  support  itself  once  more.  Not  only  all  his  ow 
ready  money,  but  all  he  got  by  his  marriage  too,  an 
more  besides,  was  swallowed  up,  and  he  found  himsel 
in  debt  before  matters  were  finally  set  to  rights  an 


MOUNT  VERNON  DAYS  HI 

profitable  crops  made  and  marketed.  But,  the  thing 
once  done,  affairs  cleared  and  became  easy  as  if  of  their 
own  accord  in  the  business  of  the  estate.  The  men  he 
had  to  deal  with  presently  knew  their  master:  the 
young  planter  had  matured  his  plans  and  his  discipline. 
Henceforth  his  affairs  were  well  in  hand,  and  he  could 
take  his  wholesome  pleasures  both  handsomely  and  with 
a  free  heart.  There  was  little  that  was  debonair  about 
the  disciplined  and  masterful  young  soldier.  He  had 
taken  Pallas's  gift :  "  Self-reverence,  self-knowledge,  self- 
control,  these  three  alone  lead  life  to  sovereign  power. 
And  because  right  is  right,  to  follow  right  were  wisdom 
in  the  scorn  of  consequence."  But  he  took  heed  of  his 
life  very  genially,  and  was  matured  by  pleasure  no  less 
than  by  duty  done.  He  loved  a  game  of  cards  in  almost 
any  company,  and  paid  his  stakes  upon  the  rubber  like 
every  other  well-conducted  man  of  his  century.  He  did 
not  find  Annapolis,  or  even  Philadelphia,  too  far  away 
to  be  visited  for  the  pleasure  of  seeing  a  good  horse 
race  or  enjoying  a  round  of  balls  and  evenings  at  the 
theatre,  to  shake  the  rustic  dulness  off  of  a  too  constant 
stay  at  home.  Mrs.  Washington  enjoyed  such  outings, 
such  little  flings  into  the  simple  world  of  provincial 
fashion,  as  much  as  he  did ;  and  they  could  not  sit  wait 
ing  all  the  year  for  the  short  season  at  Williamsburg. 

A  young  man  at  once  so  handsome,  so  famous,  and  so 
punctilious  in  point  of  dress  as  Colonel  Washington 
could  not  but  make  a  notable  figure  in  any  society.  "  I 
want  neither  lace  nor  embroidery,"  was  the  order  he 
sent  to  London.  "  Plain  clothes,  with  a  gold  or  silver 
button  (if  worn  in  genteel  dress),  are  all  I  desire.  My 
stature  is  six  feet ;  otherwise  rather  slender  than  corpu 
lent."  But  he  was  careful  the  material,  the  color,  and 


112  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

the  fit  should  be  of  the  best  and  n  >t  tasteful,  and  that 
very  elegant  stuffs  should  be  provided  from  over  sea 
for  Mrs.  Washington  and  her  children,  and  very  sub 
stantial  for  the  servants  who  were  to  be  in  attendance 
upon  the  household — a  livery  of  white  and  scarlet. 
'Twas  a  point  of  pride  with  Virginians  to  know  how  to 
dress,  both  well  and  in  the  fashion ;  and  the  master  of 
Mount  Yernon  would  have  deemed  it  an  impropriety  to 
be  less  careful  than  his  neighbors,  less  well  dressed  than 
his  station  and  fortune  warranted.  He  watched  the 
tradesmen  sharply.  "  Tis  a  custom,  I  have  some  reason 
to  believe,  with  many  shopkeepers  and  tradesmen  in 
London,"  he  wrote  bluntly  to  the  Messrs.  Gary,  "  when 
they  know  goods  are  bespoken  for  exportation,  to  palm 
sometimes  old,  and  sometimes  very  slight  and  indiffer 
ent,  goods  upon  us,  taking  care  at  the  same  time  to  ad 
vance  the  price,"  and  he  wished  them  informed  that 
their  distant  customers  would  not  be  so  duped. 

He  longed  once  and  again  to  be  quit  of  the  narrow 
life  of  the  colony,  and  stretch  himself  for  a  little  upon 
the  broader  English  stage  at  home.  "  But  I  am  tied  by 
the  leg,"  he  told  his  friends  there,  "and  must  set  in 
clination  aside.  My  indulging  myself  in  a  trip  to  Eng 
land  depends  upon  so  many  contingencies,  which,  in  all 
probability,  may  never  occur,  that  I  dare  not  even  think 
of  such  a  gratification."  But  the  disappointment  bred 
no  real  discontent.  There  could  be  no  better  air  or 
company  to  come  to  maturity  in  than  were  to  be  had 
there  in  Virginia,  if  a  young  man  were  poised  and  mas 
ter  of  himself.  "  We  have  few  things  here  striking  to 
European  travellers  (except  our  abundant  woods),"  he 
professed,  when  he  wrote  to  his  kinsman  Richard  Wash 
ington  in  England ;  "  but  little  variety,  a  welcome  recep- 


MOUNT  VERNON  DAYS  113 

tion  among  a  few  friends,  and  the  open  and  prevalent 
hospitality  of  the  country";  but  it  was  a  land  that  bred 
men,  and  men  of  affairs,  in  no  common  fashion. 

Especially  now,  after  the  quickening  of  pulses  that 
had  come  with  the  French  war,  and  its  sweep  of  con 
tinental,  even  of  international,  forces  across  the  colonial 
stage,  hitherto  set  only  for  petty  and  sectional  affairs. 
The  colonies  had  grown  self-conscious  and  restless  as 
the  plot  thickened  and  thrust  them  forward  to  a  role 
of  consequence  in  the  empire  such  as  they  had  never 
thought  to  play,  and  the  events  which  succeeded  hurried 
them  to  a  quick  maturity.  It  was  a  season  a  young 
man  was  sure  to  ripen  in,  and  there  was  good  company. 
The  House  of  Burgesses  was  very  quiet  the  year  Wash 
ington  first  took  his  place  in  it  and  stood  abashed  to 
hear  himself  praised ;  but  before  Mr.  Robinson,  its  al 
ready  veteran  Speaker,  was  dead,  a  notable  change  had 
set  in.  Within  five  years,  before  the  country  on  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  lakes  was  well  out  of  the  hands  of 
the  French,  the  Parliament  in  England  had  entered 
upon  measures  of  government  which  seemed  meant  of 
deliberate  purpose  to  set  the  colonies  agog,  and  every 
body  of  counsellors  in  America  stood  between  anger 
and  amazement  to  see  their  people  in  danger  to  be  so 
put  upon. 

The  threat  and  pressure  of  the  French  power  upon 
the  frontiers  had  made  the  colonies  thoughtful  always, 
so  long  as  it  lasted,  of  their  dependence  upon  England 
for  succor  and  defence  should  there  come  a  time  of 
need.  Once  and  again  —  often  enough  to  keep  them 
sensible  how  they  must  stand  or  fall,  succeed  or  fail, 
with  the  power  at  home  —  their  own  raw  levies  had 
taken  part  with  the  King's  troops  out  of  England  in 


114  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

some  clumsy  stroke  or  other  against  a  French  strong 
hold  in  the  North  or  a  Spanish  fortress  in  the  South ; 
and  now  at  last  they  had  gone  with  English  troops  into 
the  field  in  a  national  cause.  Provincials  and  redcoats 
had  joined  for  a  final  grapple  with  the  French,  to  settle 
once  and  for  all  who  should  be  owners  and  masters  on 
the  coveted  continent.  The  issue  had  been  decisive. 
By  the  summer  of  1760  Washington  could  write  his 
kinsman  in  England  that  the  French  were  so  thoroughly 
drubbed  and  humbled  that  there  remained  little  to  do 
to  reduce  Canada  from  end  to  end  to  the  British  power. 
But  the  very  thoroughness  of  the  success  wrought  a 
revolution  in  the  relations  of  the  colonies  to  the  mother- 
country.  It  rid  them  of  their  sense  of  dependence. 
English  regiments  had  mustered  their  thousands,  no 
doubt,  upon  the  battle-fields  of  the  war  in  order  that 
the  colonies  might  be  free  to  possess  the  continent,  and 
it  was  hard  to  see  how  the  thing  could  have  been  ac 
complished  without  them.  But  it  had  been  accom 
plished,  and  would  not  need  to  be  done  again.  More 
over,  it  had  shown  the  colonial  militia  how  strong  they 
were  even  in  the  presence  of  regulars.  They  had  almost 
everywhere  borne  an  equal  part  in  the  fighting,  and, 
rank  and  file,  they  had  felt  with  a  keen  resentment  the 
open  contempt  for  their  rude  equipment  and  rustic  dis 
cipline  which  too  many  arrogant  officers  and  insolent 
men  among  the  regulars  had  shown.  They  knew  that 
they  had  proved  themselves  the  equals  of  any  man  in 
the  King's  pay  in  the  fighting,  and  they  had  come  out 
of  the  hot  business  confident  that  henceforth,  at  any 
rate,  they  could  dispense  with  English  troops  and  take 
care  of  themselves.  They  had  lost  both  their  fear  of 
the  French  and  their  awe  of  the  English. 


THE    HEAT    OF    POLITICS 


CHAPTER  V 

'TWAS  hardly  an  opportune  time  for  statesmen  in 
London  to  make  a  new  and  larger  place  for  England's 
authority  in  America,  and  yet  that  was  what  they  im 
mediately  attempted.  Save  Chatham  and  Burke  and  a 
few  discerning  men  who  had  neither  place  nor  power, 
there  was  no  longer  any  one  in  England  who  knew, 
though  it  were  never  so  vaguely,  the  real  temper  and 
character  of  the  colonists.  'Twas  matter  of  common 
knowledge  and  comment,  it  is  true,  that  the  men  of 
Massachusetts  were  beyond  all  reason  impatient  of  com 
mand  or  restraint,  affecting  an  independence  which  was 
hardly  to  be  distinguished  from  contumacy  and  insubor 
dination  ;  but  what  ground  was  there  to  suppose  that  a 
like  haughty  and  ungovernable  spirit  lurked  in  the  loyal 
and  quiet  South,  or  among  the  prudent  traders  and 
phlegmatic  farmers  who  were  making  the  middle  colo 
nies  so  rich,  and  so  regardful  of  themselves  in  every 
point  of  gain  or  interest  ?  Statesmen  of  an  elder  gener 
ation  had  had  a  sure  instinct  what  must  be  the  feeling 
of  Englishmen  in  America,  and  had,  with  "  a  wise  and 
salutary  neglect,"  suffered  them  to  take  their  own  way 
in  every  matter  of  self-government.  Though  ministry 
after  ministry  had  asserted  a  rigorous  and  exacting 
supremacy  for  the  mother  -  country  in  every  affair  of 
commerce,  and  had  determined  as  they  pleased  what 


118  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  \ 

the  colonies  should  be  suffered  to  manufacture,  and  how 
they  should  be  allowed  to  trade  —  \vith  what  merchants, 
in  what  commodities,  in  what  bottoms,  within  what 
limits  —  they  had  nevertheless  withheld  their  hands 
hitherto  from  all  direct  exercise  of  authority  in  the 
handling  of  the  internal  affairs  of  the  several  settle 
ments,  had  given  them  leave  always  to  originate  their 
own  legislation  and  their  own  measures  of  finance,  until 
self-government  had  become  with  them  a  thing  as  if  of 
immemorial  privilege.  Sir  William  Keith,  sometime 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  had  suggested  to  Sir  Eobert 
Walpole  that  he  should  raise  revenue  from  the  colonies. 
"  What  !"  exclaimed  that  shrewd  master  of  men.  "  I 
have  Old  England  set  against  me,  and  do  you  think  I 
will  have  New  England  likewise?" 

But  men  had  come  into  authority  in  England  now 
who  lacked  this  stout  sagacity,  and  every  element  of 
sound  discretion.  English  arms  and  English  money, 
they  could  say,  had  swept  the  French  power  from 
America  in  order  that  the  colonies  might  no  longer  suf 
fer  menace  or  rivalry.  A  great  debt  had  been  piled  up 
in  the  process.  Should  not  the  colonies,  who  had  reaped 
the  chief  benefit,  bear  part  of  the  cost?  They  had 
themselves  incurred  burdensome  debts,  no  doubt,  in  the 
struggle,  and  their  assemblies  would  very  likely  profess 
themselves  willing  to  vote  what  they  could  should  his 
Majesty  call  upon  them  and  press  them.  But  an  ade 
quate  and  orderly  system  of  taxation  could  not  be 
wrought  out  by  the  separate  measures  of  a  dozen  petty 
legislatures  ;  'twere  best  the  taxation  should  be  direct 
and  by  Parliament,  whose  authority,  surely,  no  man 
outside  turbulent  Boston  would  be  mad  enough  seriously 
to  question  or  resist.  It  would,  in  any  event,  be  whole- 


THE   HEAT   OF  POLITICS  119 

some,  now  the  colonies  were  likely  to  grow  lusty  as 
kingdoms  in  their  roomy  continent,  to  assert  a  mother's 
power  to  use  and  restrain — a  power  by  no  means  lost 
because  too  long  unexercised  and  neglected.  It  was  with 
such  wisdom  the  first  step  was  taken.  In  March,  1764, 
Parliament  voted  it  "just  and  necessary  that  a  revenue 
be  raised  in  America,"  passed  an  act  meant  to  secure 
duties  on  wines  and  sugars,  and  took  measures  to  in 
crease  the  efficiency  of  the  revenue  service  in  America. 

George  Grenville  was  Prime  -  Minister.  lie  lacked 
neither  official  capacity  nor  acquaintance  with  affairs. 
He  thought  it  just  the  colonists  should  pay  their  quota 
into  the  national  treasury,  seeing  they  were  so  served 
by  the  national  power ;  and  he  declared  that  in  the 
next  session  of  Parliament  he  should  propose  certain 
direct  taxes  in  addition  to  the  indirect  already  in  force. 
He  saw  no  sufficient  reason  to  doubt  that  the  colonies 
would  acquiesce,  if  not  without  protest,  at  least  without 
tumult  or  dangerous  resistance.  It  was  a  sad  blunder. 
Virginia  resented  threat  and  execution  alike  in  such  a 
matter  as  deeply  as  did  litigious  Massachusetts.  A  long 
generation  ago,  in  the  quiet  year  1732,  when  bluff  Sir 
Kobert  was  Prime-Minister,  there  had  been  an  incident 
which  Governor  Keith,  maybe,  had  forgotten.  The 
ministry  had  demanded  of  Massachusetts  that  she 
should  establish  a  fixed  salary  for  her  governors  by  a 
standing  grant ;  but  she  had  refused,  and  the  ministers 
had  receded.  The  affair  had  not  been  lost  upon  the 
other  colonies.  That  sturdy  onetime  royal  Governor, 
Alexander  Spotswood,  in  Virginia,  had  noted  it  very 
particularly,  and  spoken  of  it  very  bluntly,  diligent  ser 
vant  of  the  crown  as  he  was,  to  Colonel  William  Byrd, 
when  he  came  his  way  on  his  "  progress  to  the  mines." 


120  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

He  declared  "  that  if  the  Assembly  in  New  England 
would  stand  bluff,  he  did  not  see  how  they  could  be 
forced  to  raise  money  against  their  will ,  for  if  they 
should  direct  it  to  be  done  by  act  of  Parliament,  which 
they  have  threatened  to  do  (though  it  be  against  the 
right  of  Englishmen  to  be  taxed  but  by  their  representa 
tives),  yet  they  would  find  it  no  easy  matter  to  put  such 
an  act  in  execution."  No  observing  man  could  so  much 
as  travel  in  Virginia  without  finding  very  promptly 
what  it  was  that  gave  point  and  poignancy  to  such  an 
opinion.  That  quiet  gentleman  the  Rev.  Andrew  Bur- 
naby,  Vicar  of  Greenwich,  was  in  Virginia  in  1759,  and 
saw  plainly  enough  how  matters  stood.  "  The  public 
or  political  character  of  the  Virginians,"  he  said,  "  cor 
responds  with  their  private  one ;  they  are  haughty  and 
jealous  of  their  liberties,  impatient  of  restraint,  and  can 
scarcely  bear  the  thought  of  being  controlled  by  any 
.superior  power.  Many  of  them  consider  the  colonies  as 
independent  states,  not  connected  with  Great  Britain 
.otherwise  than  by  having  the  same  common  King  and 
-being  bound  to  her  with  natural  affection."  Not  only 
so,  but  "  they  think  it  a  hardship  not  to  have  an  un 
limited  trade  to  every  part  of  the  world."  All  this,  and 
more,  Grenville  might  have  learned  by  the  simple  pains 
of  inquiry.  One  had  but  to  open  his  eyes  and  look  to 
see  how  imperious  a  race  had  been  bred  in  the  almost 
feudal  South ;  and,  for  all  they  had  never  heard  revolu 
tionary  talk  thence,  ministers  ought  to  have  dreaded 
the  leisure  men  had  there  to  think,  the  provocation  to 
be  proud,  the  necessity  to  be  masterful  and  individual, 
quite  as  much  as  they  had  ever  dreaded  the  stubborn 
temper  and  the  quick  capacity  for  united  action  they 
had  once  and  again  seen  excited  in  New  England. 


TAZEWELL   HALL,  THE    HOME   OF   THE   RANDOLPHS 

(After  a  print  in  Omitted  Chapters  of  History  in  th-  Life  and  Papers  of  Edward  Randolph.      By 
Courtesy  of  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons) 


WILLIAM   AND   MARY    COLLEGE 

(From  an  old  print) 


THE  HEAT  OF  POLITICS  121 

It  was  not  necessary  to  try  new  laws  to  see  what  the 
colonies  would  do  if  provoked.  The  difficulty  already 
encountered  in  enforcing  the  laws  of  trade  was  object- 
lesson  enough ;  and  the  trouble  in  that  matter  had 
grown  acute  but  yesterday.  For  long,  indeed,  no  one 
in  the  colonies  questioned  the  right  of  Parliament  to 
regulate  their  trade ;  but  it  was  notorious  that  the  laws 
actually  enacted  in  that  matter  had  gone  smoothly  off 
in  America  only  because  they  were  not  seriously  en 
forced.  "  The  trade  hither  is  engrossed  by  the  Saints 
of  New  England,"  laughed  Colonel  Byrd,  "  who  carry 
off  a  great  deal  of  tobacco  without  troubling  themselves 
with  paying  that  impertinent  duty  of  a  penny  a  pound." 
The  Acts  of  Trade  practically  forbade  direct  commerce 
with  foreign  countries  or  their  dependencies,  especially 
in  foreign  bottoms;  but  ships  from  France,  Spain,  and 
the  Canary  Isles  came  and  went  very  freely,  notwithstand 
ing,  in  colonial  ports ;  for  royal  officials  liked  to  enjoy  a 
comfortable  peace  and  the  esteem  of  their  neighbors, 
and  very  genially  winked  at  such  trangressions.  Car 
goes  without  number  were  sent  to  the  Dutch  and  Span 
ish  West  Indies  every  year,  and  as  many  brought  thence, 
which  were  undoubtedly  forfeit  under  the  navigation 
laws  Parliament  had  been  at  such  pains  to  elaborate 
and  enforce  ;  and  privateering  as  well  as  smuggling  had 
for  long  afforded  the  doughty  seamen  of  Boston,  Salem, 
Charleston,  and  New  York  a  genteel  career  of  profit. 
Things  had  come  to  such  a  pass  that  where  business 
went  briskly  the  people  of  the  colonial  ports  demanded 
as  of  right  "  a  full  freedom  of  illegal  trade,"  and  broke 
sometimes  into  riot  when  it  was  denied  them.  The 
Boston  News  Letter  had  been  known  very  courteously 
to  mourn  the  death  of  a  worthy  collector  of  his  Majes- 


!22  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ty's  customs  because,  "  with  much  humanity,"  he  had 
been  used  to  take  "  pleasure  in  directing  masters  of  vessels 
how  they  ought  to  avoid  the  breach  of  the  Acts  of 
Trade."  Sea  captains  grew  accustomed  to  very  confi 
dential  relations  with  owners  and  consignees,  and  knew 
very  well,  without  official  counsel,  how  to  take  the  ad 
vice  "  not  to  declare  at  the  Custom-house  " ;  and  things 
went  very  easily  and  cordially  with  all  parties  to  the 
understanding. 

In  1761  that  understanding  was  of  a  sudden  rudely 
broken  and  the  trouble  began,  which  Grenville  had  the 
folly  to  add  to.  The  Board  of  Trade  determined  to  col 
lect  the  duties  on  sugar,  molasses,  and  rum,  so  long  and 
so  systematically  evaded  in  the  trade  between  New  Eng- 
gland  and  the  West  Indies,  at  whatever  cost  of  suit  and 
scrutiny,  and  directed  their  agents  in  Boston  to  demand 
"  writs  of  assistance  "  from  the  courts,  giving  them  leave 
to  enter  what  premises  they  would  in  search  of  smug 
gled  goods.  There  were  instant  exasperation  and  resist 
ance.  General  search  -  warrants,  opening  every  man's 
door  to  the  officers  of  the  law,  with  or  without  just  and 
explicit  ground  of  suspicion  against  him,  no  English 
subject  anywhere  would  submit  to ;  and  yet  these  writs 
authorized  nothing  less.  Issued  under  a  questionable 
extension  to  America  of  an  exceptional  power  of  the 
Court  of  Exchequer,  they  violated  every  precedent  of 
the  common  law,  no  less  than  every  principle  of  prudent 
administration;  and  the  excitement  which  they  pro 
voked  was  at  once  deep  and  ominous.  Sharp  resistance 
was  made  in  the  courts,  and  no  officer  ever  ventured  to 
serve  one  of  the  obnoxious  writs.  Such  challenge  of 
the  process  was  uttered  by  colonial  counsel  upon  trial  of 
the  right,  moreover,  that  ministers  would  be  without 


THE  HEAT   OF  POLITICS  123 

excuse  should  they  ignore  the  warning,  so  explicit  and 
so  eloquent  of  revolutionary  purpose.  It  was  James 
Otis  who  uttered  it.  He  had  but  the  other  day  carried 
the  royal  commission  in  his  pocket  as  Advocate-General 
in  his  Majesty's  Court  of  Admiralty ;  but  he  would  not 
have  scrupled,  even  as  his  Majesty's  servant,  he  said,  to 
oppose  the  exercise  of  a  power  which  had  already  cost 
one  King  his  head  and  another  his  throne.  To  oppose 
in  such  a  case  was  to  defend  the  very  constitution  under 
which  the  King  wore  his  crown.  That  constitution  se 
cured  to  Englishmen  everywhere  the  rights  of  freemen; 
the  colonists  had,  besides,  the  plain  guarantees  of  their 
own  charters ;  if  constitution  and  charter  failed,  or  were 
gainsaid,  the  principles  of  natural  reason  sufficed  for  de 
fence  against  measures  so  arrogant  and  so  futile.  No 
lawyer  could  justify  these  extraordinary  writs ;  no  King 
with  an  army  at  his  back  could  ever  force  them  to  exe 
cution. 

Protest  not  only,  but  defiance,  rang  very  clear  in  these 
fearless  words ;  and  ministers  must  avow  themselves 
very  ignorant  should  they  pretend  they  did  not  know 
how  Mr.  Otis  had  kindled  fire  from  one  end  of  the  colo 
nies  to  the  other.  But  Grenville  was  resolute  to  take 
all  risks  and  push  his  policy.  He  did  not  flinch  from 
the  enforcement  of  the  measures  of  1764,  and  in  the  ses 
sion  of  1765  calmly  fulfilled  his  promise  of  further  taxa 
tion.  He  proposed  that  the  colonists  should  be  required 
to  use  revenue  stamps  upon  all  their  commercial  paper, 
legal  documents,  pamphlets,  and  newspapers ;  and  that, 
at  once  as  a  general  measure  of  convenience  and  a  salu 
tary  exhibition  of  authority,  his  Majesty's  troops  sta 
tioned  in  the  plantations  should  be  billeted  on  the  peo 
ple.  Parliament  readily  acquiesced.  It  was  thus  Gren- 


124  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ville  purposed  "  defraying  the  expenses  of  defending, 
protecting,  and  securing"  the  colonies;  but  he  came 
near  losing  them  instead.  The  act  was  passed  in 
March  ;  it  was  not  to  go  into  effect  until  November ;  but 
the  colonists  did  not  keep  him  waiting  until  November 
for  their  protests.  It  was  the  voice  of  a  veritable 
tempest  that  presently  came  over  sea  to  the  ear  of  the 
startled  minister.  And  it  was  not  the  General  Court  of 
turbulent  Massachusetts,  but  the  House  of  Burgesses  of 
loyal  Virginia  that  first  spoke  the  general  indignation. 
Already  in  the  autumn  of  1764,  upon  the  mere  threat  of 
what  was  to  come,  that  House  had  spoken  very  urgently 
against  the  measures  proposed,  in  a  memorial  to  King 
and  Parliament,  which,  amidst  every  proper  phrase  of 
loyalty  and  affection,  had  plainly  declared  it  the  opin 
ion  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  Virginia  that  such  acts 
would  be  in  flat  violation  of  their  undoubted  rights  and 
liberties;  and  the  committee  by  which  that  memorial 
was  drawn  up  had  contained  almost  every  man  of  chief 
consequence  in  the  counsels  of  the  colony,  the  King's 
Attorney-General  himself  not  excepted.  But  it  was  one 
thing  to  protest  against  measures  to  come  and  quite 
another  to  oppose  their  execution  when  enacted  into 
laws.  The  one  was  constitutional  agitation  ;  the  other, 
flat  rebellion — little  less.  It  was  very  ominous  to  read 
the  words  of  the  extraordinary  resolutions  passed  bv 
the  Burgesses  on  the  30th  of  May,  1Y65,  after  the  Stamp 
Act  had  become  law,  and  note  the  tone  of  restrained 
passion  that  ran  through  them.  They  declared  that 
from  the  first  the  settlers  of  "  his  Majesty's  colony  and 
dominion"  of  Virginia  had  possessed  and  enjoyed  all 
the  privileges,  franchises,  and  immunities  at  any  time 
enjoyed  by  the  people  of  Great  Britain  itself;  and  that 


THE  HEAT    OF  POLITICS  125 

this,  their  freedom,  Jiad  been  explicitly  secured  to  them 
by  their  charters,  "  to  all  intents  and  purposes  as  if  they 
had  been  abiding  and  born  within  the  realm  of  Eng 
land  " ;  "  that  the  taxation  of  the  people  by  themselves 
or  by  persons  chosen  by  themselves  to  represent  them  " 
was  "  a  distinguishing  characteristic  of  British  freedom, 
without  which  the  ancient  constitution"  of  the  realm 
itself  could  not  subsist ;  "  and  that  his  Majesty's  liege 
people  of  this  most  ancient  colony"  had  " uninter 
ruptedly  enjoyed  the  right  of  being  thus  governed  by 
their  assemblies  in  the  article  of  their  taxes  and  internal 
police,"  had  never  forfeited  or  relinquished  it,  and  had 
seen  it  "  constantly  recognized  by  the  Kings  and  people 
of  Great  Britain." 

Spoken  as  it  was  in  protest  against  actual  legislation 
already  adopted  by  Parliament  in  direct  despite  of  all 
such  privileges  and  immunities,  this  declaration  of  rights 
seemed  to  lack  its  conclusion.  The  constitutional  rights 
of  Virginians  had  been  invaded.  What  then  ?  Resolved, 
therefore,  "  that  his  Majesty's  liege  people,  the  inhabi 
tants  of  this  colony,  are  not  bound  to  yield  obedience  to 
any  law  or  ordinance  whatever  designed  to  impose  any 
taxation  whatsoever  upon  them,  other  than  the  laws 
or  ordinances  of  the  General  Assembly  aforesaid,"  and 
"that  any  person  who  shall,  by  speaking  or  writing, 
assert  or  maintain  "the  contrary  "  shall  be  deemed  an 
enemy  of  his  Majesty's  colony."  Such  had  been  the 
uncompromising  conclusion  drawn  by  the  mover  of  the 
resolutions.  What  other  conclusion  could  any  man 
draw  if  he  deemed  the  colonists  men,  and  proud  men  at 
that  ?  But  the  Burgesses  would  not  go  so  far  or  be  so 
explicit.  They  feared  to  speak  treason ;  they  were  con 
tent  to  protest  of  their  rights,  and  let  the  issue  bring 


126  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

conclusions  to  light.  It  had  been  hot  fighting  to  get 
even  that  much  said.  The  men  hitherto  accepted  al 
ways  as  leaders  in  the  House  had  wished  to  hold  it 
back  from  rash  and  heated  action,  and  there  had  been 
bitter  debates  before  even  those  significant  premises  for 
a  revolutionary  conclusion  had  been  forced  to  adoption. 
Old  leaders  and  new,  young  men  and  old  alike,  had  will 
ingly  united  in  the  memorial  of  1764 ;  but  now  that  the 
Stamp  Act  was  law,  conservative  members  shrank  from 
doing  what  must  look  so  like  a  flat  defiance  of  Parlia 
ment.  Only  young  men  would  have  had  the  audacity 
to  urge  such  action ;  only  very  extraordinary  young 
men  would  have  had  the  capacity  to  induce  the  House 
to  take  it.  But  such  young  men  were  at  hand,  their 
leader  as  veritable  a  democrat  as  had  ever  taken  the 
floor  in  that  assembly. 

Patrick  Henry  was  not  of  the  aristocracy  of  the  col 
ony.  Good  Scots  blood  ran  in  his  veins,  quickened  by  the 
lively  strain  of  an  old  Welsh  stock.  His  father  came  of 
a  race  of  scholars,  and,  good  churchman  though  he  was, 
knew  his  Livy  and  his  Horace  better  than  his  Bible. 
His  mother  came  of  a  vivacious  line  of  easy-going  wits 
and  talkers,  which  but  a  touch  more  of  steadiness  and 
energy  might  any  day  have  made  famous.  His  father 
had  served  his  county  of  Hanover  very  capably  and  ac 
ceptably  as  surveyor,  colonel,  magistrate,  and  his  uncle 
had  been  beloved  as  the  faithful  pastor  of  quiet  parishes. 
But  they  had  been  no  long  time  in  the  colony;  they 
lived  back  from  the  tide-water  counties  where  the  real 
aristocracy  had  its  strength  and  supremacy ;  they  were 
of  that  middle  class  of  yeomen-gentlemen  who  love  lib 
erty  but  do  not  affect  rank.  "  A  vigorous  aristocracy 
favors  the  growth  of  personal  eminence  even  in  those 


THE  HEAT  OF  POLITICS  127 

who  are  not  of  it,  but  only  near  it,"  and  these  plain  men 
of  the  middle  counties  were  the  more  excellent  and  in 
dividual  in  the  cultivation  of  their  powers  by  reason  of 
the  contact.  But  there  was  a  touch  of  rusticity,  a  neg 
lect  of  polish,  a  rough  candor  of  speech,  about  them 
which  set  them  apart  and  distinguished  them  sharply 
enough  when  they  came  into  the  presence  of  the  courtly 
and  formal  gentlemen  who  practised  the  manners  of 
London  in  the  river  counties.  Patrick  Henry,  at  any 
rate,  must  have  seemed  a  very  rustic  figure  to  the  Bur 
gesses  when  he  first  came  to  take  his  seat  amongst  them 
on  a  May  day  in  1765.  He  was  known,  indeed,  to 
many.  This  was  the  man,  they  must  have  known,  who 
had  won  so  strange  a  verdict  from  a  jury  two  years  ago 
in  the  celebrated  parsons'  case  at  Hanover  court-house, 
against  the  law  and  the  evidence.  But  his  careless 
dress  and  manner,  his  loose,  ungainly  figure,  his  listless, 
absent  bearing,  must  have  set  many  a  courtly  member 
staring.  For  such  men  as  Washington,  indeed,  there 
can  have  been  nothing  either  strange  or  unattractive  in 
the  rough  exterior  and  unstudied  ways  of  the  new  mem 
ber.  Punctilious  though  he  was  himself  in  every  point 
of  dress  and  bearing,  Washington's  life  had  most  of  it 
been  spent  with  men  who  looked  thus,  and  yet  were 
stuff  of  true  courage  and  rich  capacity  within.  The 
manner  of  a  man  could  count  as  no  test  of  quality  with 
him.  His  experience  had  covered  the  whole  variety  of 
Yirginian  life.  He  was  an  aristocrat  by  taste,  not  by 
principle.  And  Patrick  Henry  had,  in  fact,  come  to  the 
same  growth  as  he  in  essential  quality  and  principle, 
though  by  another  way.  Henry's  life  had  been  wilful, 
capricious,  a  bit  haphazard,  Washington's  all  the  while 
subject  to  discipline ;  but  both  men  had  touched  and 


128  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

seen  the  whole  energy  of  the  commonwealth,  knew  its 
hope,  could  divine  its  destiny.  There  was  but  one  Vir 
ginia,  and  they  were  her  children.  It  could  not  take 
long  to  bring  them  to  an  understanding  and  comrade 
ship  in  affairs. 

It  was  characteristic  of  the  new  member  that  he 
should  step  at  once  and  unhesitatingly  to  a  place  of  lead 
ership  when  debate  of  the  Stamp  Act  stirred  the  House, 
and  that  he  should  instantly  sweep  the  majority  into 
his  following  with  a  charm  and  dash  of  eloquence  that 
came  like  a  revelation  upon  the  quiet  assembly.  He 
was  but  twenty-nine  years  old,  but  he  had  spent  all  his 
life  in  learning  how  the  world  went,  and  by  what  man 
ner  of  speech  it  was  moved  and  governed.  He  had 
roamed  the  woods  with  no  thought  but  for  sport,  or  a 
quiet  hour  with  a  book  or  his  fancy  in  the  shade  of  the 
trees.  He  had  kept  a  country  store,  and  let  gossip  and 
talk  of  affairs  of  colony  and  country-side  take  prece 
dence  of  business.  Finally  he  had  turned  with  a  per 
manent  relish  to  the  law,  and  had  set  himself  to  plead 
causes  for  his  neighbors  in  a  way  that  made  judges  stare 
and  juries  surrender  at  discretion.  In  everything  he 
had  seemed  to  read  the  passions  of  men.  Books  no  less 
than  men,  the  chance  company  of  an  old  author  no  less 
than  the  constant  talk  of  the  neighborly  land  he  lived 
in,  seemed  to  fill  him  with  the  quick  principles  of  the 
people  and  polity  to  which  he  belonged,  and  to  lend 
him  as  inevitably  every  living  phrase  in  which  to  ut 
ter  them.  The  universal  sympathy  and  insight  which 
made  his  pleasantry  so  engaging  to  men  of  every  stamp 
rendered  his  power  no  less  than  terrible  when  he  turned 
to  play  upon  their  passions.  He  was  not  conscious  of 
any  audacity  when  he  sprang  to  his  feet  upon  the  in- 


THE  HEAT   OF  POLITICS  129 

stant  he  saw  the  House  resolved  into  committee  to  con 
sider  the  Stamp  Act.  It  was  of  the  ardor  of  his  nature 
to  speak  when  conviction  moved  him  strongly,  without 
thought  of  propriety  or  precedence ;  and  it  was  like  him 
to  stand  there  absorbed,  reading  his  resolutions  from  a 
fly-leaf  torn  from  an  old  law-book. 

It  seemed  no  doubt  a  precious  piece  of  audacity  in 
the  eyes  of  the  prescriptive  leaders  of  the  House  to  hear 
this  almost  unknown  man  propose  his  high  recital  of 
Virginia's  liberties  and  his  express  defiance  of  Parlia 
ment — in  tones  which  rang  no  less  clear  and  confident 
upon  the  clause  which  declared  "his  Majesty's  liege 
people  "  of  the  colony  in  no  way  bound  to  yield  obedi 
ence,  than  in  the  utterance  of  the  accepted  matter  of 
his  premises.  Debate  flamed  up  at  once,  hot,  even  pas 
sionate.  The  astounding,  moving  eloquence  of  the 
young  advocate,  his  instant  hold  upon  the  House,  the 
directness  with  which  he  purposed  and  executed  action 
in  so  grave  a  matter,  stirred  the  pulses  of  his  opponents 
and  his  followers  with  an  equal  power,  and  roused  those 
who  would  have  checked  him  to  a  vehemence  as  great 
as  his  own.  The  old  leaders  of  the  House,  with  whom 
he  now  stood  face  to  face  in  this  critical  business,  were 
the  more  formidable  because  of  the  strong  reason  of 
their  position.  No  one  could  justly  doubt  that  they 
wished  to  see  the  Old  Dominion  keep  and  vindicate  her 
liberty,  but  they  deemed  it  folly  to  be  thus  intemperately 
beforehand  with  the  issue.  Almost  to  a  man  they  were 
sprung  of  families  who  had  come  to  Virginia  with  the 
great  migration  that  had  brought  the  Washingtons,  in 
the  evil  day  when  so  many  were  fleeing  England  to  be 
quit  of  the  Puritan  tyranny — royalists  all,  and  touched 
to  the  quick  with  the  sentiment  of  loyalty.  'Twas  now 

9 


130  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

a  long  time  since  Cromwell's  day,  indeed ;  generations 
had  passed,  and  a  deep  passion  for  Virginia  had  been 
added  to  that  old  reverence  for  the  wearer  of  the  crown 
in  England.  But  these  men  prided  themselves  still  upon 
their  loyalty ;  made  it  a  point  of  honor  to  show  them 
selves  no  agitators,  but  constitutional  statesmen.  It 
made  them  grave  and  deeply  anxious  to  see  the  privi 
leges  that  were  most  dear  to  them  thus  violated  and 
denied,  but  it  did  not  make  them  hasty  to  quarrel  with 
the  Parliament  of  the  realm.  They  had  intended  oppo 
sition,  but  they  feared  to  throw  their  cause  away  by 
defiance.  'Twas  as  little  wrise  as  dignified  to  flout  thus 
at  the  sovereign  power  before  all  means  had  been  ex 
hausted  to  win  it  to  forbearance. 

It  was  not  the  least  part  of  the  difficulty  to  face  the 
veteran  Speaker,  John  Robinson,  so  old  in  affairs,  so 
stately  in  his  age,  so  gravely  courteous,  and  yet  with 
such  a  threat  of  good  manners  against  those  who  should 
make  breach  of  the  decorous  traditions  of  the  place. 
But  the  men  chiefly  to  be  feared  were  on  the  floor. 
There  was  Richard  Bland,  "wary,  old,  experienced," 
with  "something  of  the  look,"  a  Virginian  wit  said, 
"of  old  musty  parchments,  which  he  handleth  and 
studieth  much,"  author  of  a  "  treatise  against  the  Quak 
ers  on  water-baptism " ;  with  none  of  the  gifts  of  an 
orator,  but  a  veritable  antiquarian  in  law  and  the  pre 
cedents  of  public  business,  a  very  formidable  man  in 
counsel.  Quiet  men  trusted  him,  and  thought  his  pru 
dence  very  wise.  George  Wythe  was  no  less  learned, 
and  no  less  influential.  Men  knew  him  a  man  of  letters, 
bringing  the  knowledge  of  many  wise  books  to  the 
practice  of  affairs,  and  set  great  store  by  his  sincerity,  as 
artless  as  it  was  human,  and  sweetened  with  good  feel- 


THE  HEAT  OF  POLITICS  131 

ing.  It  made  Randolph  and  Pendleton  and  Nicholas, 
the  elder  orators  of  the  House,  seem  the  more  redoubt 
able  that  they  should  have  such  men  as  these  at  their 
elbows  to  prompt  and  steady  them.  And  yet  they  would 
have  been  formidable  enough  of  themselves.  Edmund 
Pendleton  had  not,  indeed,  the  blood  or  the  breeding 
that  gave  his  colleagues  prestige.  He  had  won  his  way 
to  leadership  by  his  own  steady  genius  for  affairs.  He 
read  nothing  but  law-books,  knew  nothing  but  business, 
cared  for  nothing  but  to  make  practical  test  of  his 
powers.  But  he  took  all  his  life  and  purpose  with  such 
a  zest,  made  every  stroke  with  so  serene  a  self-posses 
sion,  was  so  quick  to  see  and  act  upon  every  advantage 
in  his  business  of  debate,  and  was  withal  so  transparent, 
bore  himself  with  such  a  grace  and  charm  of  manner, 
was  so  obviously  right-minded  and  upright,  that  it  meant 
a  great  deal  to  the  House  to  hear  him  intervene  in  its 
discussions  with  his  melodious  voice,  his  cool,  distinct, 
effective  elocution.  Robert  Carter  Nicholas  added  to 
like  talents  for  business  and  debate  a  reverent  piety,  a 
title  to  be  loved  and  trusted  without  question,  which  no 
man  ever  thought  to  gainsay.  And  Peyton  Randolph, 
with  his  "  knowledge,  temper,  experience,  judgment,  in 
tegrity  "  as  of  a  true  Roman  spirit,  was  a  sort  of  prince 
among  the  rest.  No  man  could  doubt  he  wished  Vir 
ginia  to  have  her  liberties.  He  had  gone  over  sea  to 
speak  for  her  in  Dinwiddie's  day,  though  he  was  the 
King's  attorney,  and  had  lost  his  office  for  his  boldness. 
But  there  were  traditions  of  loyalty  and  service  in  his 
breeding  which  no  man  might  rightly  ignore.  His 
father  before  him  had  won  knighthood  and  the  royal 
favor  by  long  and  honorable  service  as  his  Majesty's 
attorney  in  the  colony.  Pride  and  loyalty  had  gone 


132  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

hand  in  hand  in  the  annals  of  a  proud  race,  and  had 
won  for  the  Randolphs  a  prestige  which  made  it  impos 
sible  Sir  John's  son  should  very  long  be  kept  from  the 
office  he  had  so  honorably  inherited.  And  so  Peyton 
Randolph  was  now  once  again  the  King's  attorney.  It 
was  not  as  the  King's  officer,  however,  but  as  an  ex 
perienced  Parliamentary  tactician,  a  trained  debater,  a 
sound  man  of  affairs,  that  he  had  set  himself  to  check 
Henry  in  his  revolutionary  courses. 

Henry  found  himself,  in  truth,  passionately  set  upon. 
Even  threats  were  uttered,  and  abuse  such  as  proud 
men  find  ill  to  bear.  They  cried  "  Treason !  treason !" 
upon  him  when  he  dared  declare  the  King  would  do 
well  to  look  to  the  fate  of  Ca3sar  and  Charles  the  First 
for  profitable  examples.  But  he  was  not  daunted  a 
whit.  "  If  this  be  treason,  make  the  most  of  it,"  was 
his  defiance  to  them.  One  ally  who  might  have  stood 
with  him,  had  he  known,  was  absent.  Richard  Henry 
Lee  would  have  brought  to  his  support  a  name  as  an 
cient  and  as  honorable  as  any  in  the  colony,  and  an 
eloquence  scarcely  less  than  his  own.  But,  as  it  was, 
he  was  left  almost  alone,  and  won  his  battle  with  no 
other  aid  than  veiy  plain  men  could  lend  by  vote  and 
homely  utterance.  The  vote  was  very  close,  but  enough. 
Randolph  flung  out  of  the  House,  muttering  in  his  heat 
that  he  "  would  have  given  five  hundred  guineas  for  a 
single  vote."  Henry,  taking  the  triumph  very  simply, 
as  was  his  wont,  and  knowing  his  work  for  the  session 
done,  quietly  made  his  way  homeward  that  very  day, 
striding  unconcernedly  down  Duke  of  Gloucester  Street, 
chatting  with  a  friend,  his  legs  clad  in  buckskin  as  if 
for  the  frontier,  his  saddle-bags  and  the  reins  of  his  lean 
nag  slung  carelessly  over  his  arm. 


PEYTON   RANDOLPH 


THE   HEAT   OF  POLITICS  133 

The  Assembly  had  adopted  Henry's  declaration  of 
rights,  not  his  resolution  of  disobedience,  and  had  soft 
ened  a  little  the  language  he  would  have  used  ;  but  its 
action  seemed  seditious  enough  to  Fauquier,  the  Gov 
ernor,  and  he  promptly  dissolved  them.  It  did  little 
good  to  send  Virginians  home,  however,  if  the  object 
was  to  check  agitation.  The  whole  manner  of  their 
life  bred  thought  and  concert  of  action.  Where  men 
have  leave  to  be  individual,  live  separately  and  with  a 
proud  self-respect,  and  yet  are  much  at  each  other's 
tables,  often  in  vestry  council  together,  constantly  com 
ing  and  going,  talking  and  planning  throughout  all  the 
country  -  side,  accustomed  to  form  their  opinions  in 
league,  and  yet  express  each  man  his  own  with  a  dash 
and  flavor  of  independence ;  where  there  is  the  leisure 
te  reflect,  the  habit  of  joint  efforts  in  business,  the  spirit 
to  be  social,  and  abundant  opportunity  to  be  frank  withal, 
if  you  will  —  you  may  look  to  see  public  views  form 
themselves  very  confidently,  and  as  easily  without  as 
semblies  as  with  them.  Washington  had  taken  no  part 
in  the  stormy  scenes  of  the  House,  but  had  sat  calmly 
apart  rather,  concerned  and  thoughtful.  He  was  not 
easily  caught  by  the  excitement  of  a  sudden  agita 
tion.  He  had  the  soldier's  steady  habit  of  self-pos 
session  in  the  presence  of  a  crisis,  and  his  own  way 
of  holding  things  at  arm's -length  for  scrutiny  —  "like 
a  bishop  at  his  prayers,"  a  wag  said.  He  had  a  sol 
dier's  loyalty,  too,  and  slowness  at  rebellion.  His 
thought,  no  doubt,  was  with  the  conservatives,  whatever 
may  have  been  the  light  that  sprang  into  his  quiet 
eye  when  Henry's  voice  rang  out  so  like  a  clarion, 
calling  Virginia  to  her  standard ;  and  he  went  home, 
upon  the  dissolution,  to  join  and  aid  his  neighbors  in 


134  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

the  slow  discussion  which   must  shape   affairs  to  an 
issue. 

"The  Virginia  Resolutions"  had  run  like  a  flame 
through  the  colonies — not  as  the  Burgesses  had  adopted 
them,  but  as  Henry  had  drawn  them,  with  their  express 
threat  of  disobedience.  Nor  was  that  all.  October, 
1T65,  saw  delegates  from  nine  colonies  come  together 
in  New  York,  at  the  call  of  Massachusetts,  to  take  coun 
sel  what  should  be  done.  Every  one  knew  that  Vir 
ginia,  North  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  the  only  colonies 
absent  from  the  "  congress,"  would  have  sent  delegates 
too  had  their  Governors  not  prevented  them  by  the  dis 
solution  of  their  Assemblies  before  they  could  act  on  the 
call.  A  deep  excitement  and  concern  had  spread  every 
where  throughout  the  settlements.  Not  only  did  the 
impending  enforcement  of  the  act  engross  "  the  conver 
sation  of  the  speculative  part  of  the  colonists,"  as  Wash 
ington  wrote  to  Francis  Dandridge  in  London  ;  it  prom 
ised  to  engross  also  the  energies  of  very  active,  and  it 
might  be  very  violent,  men  in  many  quarters,  and  it  be 
gan  to  grow  evident  that  some  part  of  government  itself 
would  be  brought  to  a  standstill  by  its  processes.  "  Our 
courts  of  judicature,"  declared  Washington, "must  inevi 
tably  be  shut  up ;  for  it  is  impossible  (or  next  of  kin  to 
it),  under  our  present  circumstances,  that  the  act  of  Par 
liament  can  be  complied  with  .  .  . ;  and  if  a  stop  be  put 
to  our  judicial  proceedings,  I  fancy  the  merchants  of 
Great  Britain  trading  to  the  colonies  will  not  be  among 
the  last  to  wish  for  a  repeal  of  it."  The  congress  at 
New  York  drew  up  nothing  less  than  a  bill  of  rights 
and  immunities,  and  sent  resolutions  over  sea  which  ar 
rested  the  attention  of  the  world.  The  Virginian  As 
sembly  despatched  like  papers  for  itself ;  and  Richard 


THE   HEAT  OF  POLITICS 


135 


Henry  Lee,  when  he  had  assisted  to  draw  its  memorials, 
hastened  home  to  form  in  his  own  Cavalier  county  a 
u  Westmoreland  Association,"  whose  members  (four 
Washingtons  among  the  rest)  bound  themselves  by  a 
solemn  covenant  to  "  exert  every  faculty  to  prevent  the 
execution  of  the  said  Stamp  Act  in  any  instance  what 
soever  within  this  colony."  The  ministry  could  not 
stand  the  pressure.  They  gave  way  to  Lord  Kocking- 
ham,  and  the  act  was  repealed. 

Meanwhile  Washington,  his  calm  temper  unshaken, 
was  slowly  coming  to  a  clear  vision  of  affairs  in  all  their 
significance.  Fox-hunting  did  not  cease.  He  was  much 
in  the  saddle  and  at  table  with  the  Fairfaxes,  whom 
nothing  could  shake  from  their  allegiance,  and  who 
looked  with  sad  forebodings  upon  the  temper  the  colony 
was  in.  It  was  proper  they  should  speak  so  if  they 
deemed  it  just,  and  Washington  had  no  intolerance  for 
what  they  urged.  But  George  Mason,  the  neighbor 
whom  he  most  trusted,  was  of  a  very  different  mind, 
and  strengthened  and  confirmed  him  in  other  counsels. 
Mason  was  six  years  his  senior  ;  a  man,  too,  cast  by  nat 
ure  to  understand  men  and  events,  how  they  must  go 
and  how  be  guided.  They  conferred  constantly,  at 
every  turn  of  their  intimate  life,  in  the  field  or  in  the 
library,  mounted  or  afoot  in  the  forests,  and  came  very 
deliberately  and  soberly  to  their  statesman's  view. 
Randolph  and  Pendleton  and  Wythe  and  Bland  had 
themselves  turned,  after  the  first  hesitation,  to  act  with 
ardent  men  like  Lee  in  framing  the  memorials  to  King, 
Lords,  and  Commons  which  were  to  go  from  the  Bur 
gesses  along  with  the  resolutions  of  the  Stamp  Act 
Congress  in  New  York ;  and  Washington,  who  had 
never  hesitated,  but  hacT  only  gone  slowly  and  with  his 


136  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

eyes  open,  with  that  self-poise  men  had  found  so  strik 
ing  in  him  from  the  first,  came  steadily  with  the  rest  to 
the  at  last  common  purpose  of  resolute  opposition.  The 
repeal  of  the  act  came  to  all  like  a  great  deliverance. 

Governor  Fauquier  had  deemed  it  his  duty  to  dissolve 
the  Assembly  upon  the  passage  of  Henry's  resolutions, 
but  he  had  acted  without  passion  in  the  matter,  and  had 
kept  the  respect  of  the  men  he  dealt  with.  He  was  not 
a  man,  indeed,  to  take  public  business  very  seriously, 
having  been  bred  a  man  of  fashion  and  a  courtier  rather 
than  a  master  of  affairs.  He  loved  gay  company  and 
the  deep  excitement  of  the  gaming-table,  not  the  round 
of  official  routine.  Affable,  generous,  elegant,  a  scholar 
and  real  lover  of  letters,  he  vastly  preferred  the  talk  of 
•vivacious  women  and  accomplished  men  to  the  business 
of  the  General  Court,  and  was  a  man  to  be  liked  rather 
-ihan  consulted.  Washington,  always  admitted  to  the 
intimacy  of  official  circles  at  Williamsburg,  very  likelv 
relished  the  gallant  Fauquier  better  than  the  too  officious 
Dinwiddie.  It  was,  unhappily,  no  portent  to  see  a  man 
still -devoted  to  dissipation  at  sixty-two,  even  though  he 
were  Governor  of  one  of  his  Majesty's  colonies  and  a 
trusted  servant  of  the  crown  ;  and  Fauquier's  gifts  as  a 
man  of  wit  and  of  instructed  tastes  made  his  companion 
ship  no  less  acceptable  to  Washington  than  to  the  other 
men  of  discernment  who  frequented  the  ballrooms  and 
receptions,  ate  formal  dinners,  and  played  quiet  games 
of  cards  during  the  brief  season  at  the  little  capital.  It 
did  not  seriously  disturb  life  there  that  the  Governor 
upheld  the  power  of  Parliament  to  tax,  while  the  Bur 
gesses  strenuously  opposed  it.  Washington,  for  one, 
did  not  hesitate  on  that  account  to  be  seen  often  in 
friendly  talk  with  the  Governor,  or  to  accept  frequent 


GEORGE   MASON 


THE  HEAT   OF  POLITICS  137 

invitations  to  the  "palace."  He  was  of  the  temper 
which  has  so  distinguished  the  nobler  sort  of  English 
men  in  politics :  he  might  regard  opposition  as  a  public 
duty,  but  he  never  made  it  a  ground  of  personal  feeling 
or  private  spite.  In  a  sense,  indeed,  he  had  long  been 
regarded  as  belonging  to  official  circles  in  the  colony, 
more  intimately  than  any  other  man  who  did  not  hold 
office.  He  had  been  put  forward  by  the  Fairfaxes  in 
his  youth;  men  in  the  Council  and  at  the  head  of  af 
fairs  had  been  his  sponsors  and  friends  from  the  first ; 
he  had  been  always,  like  his  brother  before  him,  a  mem 
ber  of  one  of  the  chief  groups  in  the  colony  for  influence 
and  a  confidential  connection  with  the  public  business. 
It  was  even  understood  that  he  was  himself  destined 
for  the  Council,  when  it  should  be  possible  to  put  him 
in  it  without  seeming  to  give  too  great  a  preponderance 
to  the  Fairfax  interest,  already  so  much  regarded  in  its 
make-up. 

The  first  flurry  of  differing  views  and  conflicting  pur 
poses  among  the  Virginian  leaders  had  passed  off.  The 
judgment  of  high-spirited  men  everywhere  sustained 
Henry  —  gave  him  unmistakable  authentication  as  a 
leader ;  put  all  public  men  in  the  way  of  understanding 
their  constituents.  Some  were  bold  and  some  were 
timid,  but  all  were  animated  by  the  same  hope  and  pur 
pose,  and  few  were  yet  intemperate.  "  Sensible  of  the 
importance  of  unanimity  among  our  constituents,"  said 
Jefferson  afterwards,  looking  back  to  that  time  when 
he  was  young  and  in  the  first  flush  of  his  radical  senti 
ments,  "  although  we  often  wished  to  have  gone  faster, 
we  slackened  our  pace,  that  our  less  ardent  colleagues 
might  keep  up  with  us ;  and  they,  on  their  part,  differ 
ing  nothing  from  us  in  principle,  quickened  their  gait 


138  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

somewhat  beyond  that  which  their  prudence  might  of 
itself  have  advised."  Patrick  Henry  was  received  to 
the  place  he  had  earned ;  and  although  the  older  leaders 
resumed  that  sway  in  counsel  to  which  their  tried  skill 
and  varied  experience  in  affairs  fairly  entitled  them, 
there  was  no  longer  any  jealous  exclusion  of  new  men. 
Henry's  fame  crept  through  the  colonies  as  the  man 
who  had  first  spoken  the  mind  not  of  Virginians  only, 
but  of  all  just  men,  with  regard  to  the  liberties  of  Eng 
lishmen  in  America.  Before  a  year  was  out  Eichard 
Bland  himself,  parchment  man  and  conservative  that  he 
was,  had  written  and  published  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  An 
Inquiry  into  the  Rights  of  the  British  Colonies,"  which 
said  nothing  less  than  that  in  all  that  concerned  her 
internal  affairs  Virginia  was  "a  distinct,  independent 
state,"  though  "united  with  the  parent  state  by  the 
closest  league  and  amity,  and  under  the  same  alle 
giance."  A  colony  "  treated  with  injury  and  violence," 
he  exclaimed,  "is  become  an  alien."  When  antiquari 
ans  and  lawyers,  fresh  from  poring  upon  old  documents, 
spoke  thus,  there  were  surely  signs  of  the  times. 

The  government  at  home  kept  colonial  sentiment  very 
busy.  Even  Lord  Rockingbam's  government,  with 
Burke  to  admonish  it,  coupled  its  repeal  of  the  stamp 
duties  with  a  "  declaratory  act "  which  sought  to  quiet 
controversy  by  giving  the  lie  direct  to  every  argument 
urged  against  its  authority  in  the  colonies.  "  Parliament 
has  power  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever," 
was  its  round  assertion  : — u  a  resolution  for  England's 
right  to  do  what  the  Treasury  pleased  with  three  mill 
ions  of  freemen,"  cried  Chatham.  Though  Rocking- 
ham's  government  would  not  act  on  that  right,  its  suc 
cessors  would  without  scruple;  and  they  were  soon 


THE   HEAT   OF  POLITICS  139 

about  it,  for  Kockingham's  ministry  retained  office 
scarcely  a  twelvemonth.  Grenville  was,  indeed,  dis 
credited  ;  but  Grafton  and  Townshend  were  as  bad,  as 
stubborn  in  temper,  as  reckless  in  policy.  The  year  1767 
saw  taxes  proposed  and  enacted  on  glass,  paper,  painters' 
colors,  and  tea  imported  into  the  colonies,  with  a  pur 
pose  to  pay  fixed  salaries  to  the  crown's  officers  in  the 
colonies  out  of  the  proceeds ;  and  the  contested  ground 
was  all  to  go  over  again.  To  show  their  temper,  the 
new  ministers  suspended  the  legislative  powers  of  the 
Colonial  Assembly  in  New  York  for  refusing  to  make 
provision  for  troops  quartered  upon  the  colony.  To 
complete  their  fiscal  arrangements  they  presently  created 
a  custom-house  and  board  of  revenue  commissioners  for 
America.  It  was  an  ominous  year,  and  set  opinion  for 
ward  not  a  little  in  the  colonies. 

The  House  of  Burgesses  broke,  at  its  next  session 
(1768),  into  fresh  protests  and  remonstrances,  and  there 
was  no  one  to  restrain  or  rebuke  it.  Fauquier  was  dead, 
and  gone  to  his  reckoning ;  the  reins  of  government  were 
in  the  hands  of  gentle  John  Blair,  President  of  the 
Council,  a  Virginian  every  inch,  and  with  never  a 
thought  of  checking  his  fellow-colonists  in  the  expres 
sion  of  their  just  opinions.  The  autumn  brought  Lord 
Botetourt,  the  new  Governor  -  General,  who  came  in 
showy  state,  and  with  genial  display  of  courtly  man 
ners  and  good  feeling ;  but  his  arrival  made  little  differ 
ence.  The  Burgesses  smiled  to  see  him  come  to  open 
their  session  of  1769  with  pageant  of  coach  and  six, 
brave  display  of  royal  insignia,  and  the  manner  of  a 
sovereign  meeting  Parliament ;  and  turned  from  him  al 
most  in  contempt  to  denounce  once  more  the  course  of 
the  ministers,  argue  again  the  rights  of  America,  de- 


140  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

clare  they  would  draw  the  colonies  together  in  concert 
ed  opposition,  and  call  upon  the  other  colonies  to  concur 
with  them  alike  in  their  principles  and  in  their  purpose. 
Botetourt  came  hot  foot  to  dissolve  them ;  but  they 
only  shifted  their  place  of  meeting,  gathered  again  at 
the  private  house  of  Mr.  Anthony  Hay,  and  there  re 
solved  no  longer  to  import  the  things  which  Parliament 
had  taxed  in  despite  of  them.  George  Mason  had  drawn 
the  resolutions,  at  Washington's  request,  and  Washing 
ton  himself  presented  them. 

Mason's  thought  had  hastened  very  far  along  the  path 
of  opposition  under  the  whip  of  England's  policy;  and 
Washington's  quite  as  far.  The  government  had  not 
only  sent  troops  to  Boston  and  dissolved  every  Assem 
bly  that  protested,  but  had  advised  the  King  to  press 
prosecutions  for  treason  in  the  colonies,  and,  should 
there  be  deemed  sufficient  ground,  transport  the  accused 
to  England  to  be  tried  by  special  commission.  It  was 
this  last  measure  that  had  provoked  the  Burgesses  to 
their  hottest  outburst.  "  At  a  time  when  our  lordly 
masters  in  Great  Britain  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing 
less  than  the  deprivation  of  American  freedom,"  wrote 
Washington  to  Mason,  with  a  sudden  burst  of  passion, 
"it  seems  highly  necessary  that  something  should  be 
done  to  avert  the  stroke,  and  maintain  the  liberty  which 
we  have  derived  from  our  ancestors.  .  .  .  That  no  man 
should  scruple,  or  hesitate  a  moment,  to  use  a-ms  in  de 
fence  of  so  valuable  a  blessing,  on  which  all  the  good 
and  evil  of  life  depends,  is  clearly  my  opinion.  Yet 
a-ms,  I  would  beg  leave  to  add,  should  be  the  last  re 
source."  Addresses  to  the  throne  and  remonstrances  to 
Parliament  had  failed :  it  remained  to  try  "  starving 
their  trades  and  manufactures,"  to  see  if  that  at  last 


THE  HEAT  OF  POLITICS  141 

would  arrest  their  attention.  ]STo  doubt  even  that  would 
prove  of  little  avail ;  but  it  was  at  least  peaceable  and 
worth  the  trial.  The  next  month,  accordingly,  he  got 
unhesitatingly  to  his  feet  in  the  private  meeting  of  the 
Burgesses  at  Mr.  Hay's  and  moved  George  Mason's 
resolutions ;  nor  did  he  forget  to  subscribe  his  quota  to 
the  fund  which  was  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  "  asso 
ciation  "  there  formed. 

The  next  evening  he  attended  the  "Queen's  Birth- 
Night"  at  the  palace  with  the  same  naturalness  of  de 
meanor  and  frankness  of  dealing  towards  the  Governor 
as  before.  Botetourt  was  not  all  show  and  gallantry, 
but  was  a  genuine  man  at  bottom.  He  had  come  to 
Virginia  thinking  the  colonists  a  pleasure-loving  people 
who  could  be  taken  by  display  and  cajoled  by  hospital 
ity  :  he  had  been  told  they  were  such  in  London.  But 
he  knew  his  mistake  almost  as  soon  as  he  had  made  it ; 
and  was  prompt,  even  while  he  upheld  prerogative,  to 
do  what  he  could  to  deal  with  them  in  a  liberal  and 
manly  spirit.  He  had  acquiesced  very  heartily  at  the 
outset  of  his  administration  in  a  decision  of  the  Council 
that  writs  of  assistance  could  not  legally  be  issued  in 
Virginia, — for  the  process  had  been  tried  there  too.  He 
made  such  representations  with  regard  to  the  state  of 
the  colony  to  the  ministers  at  home  as  were  both  just 
and  wise ;  was  assured  in  reply  that  the  ministers  were 
willing  to  make  every  necessary  concession ;  pledged 
his  word  in  Virginia  that  there  should  be  a  substantial 
change  of  policy  ;  and  died  the  sooner  (October  15, 
1770)  because  the  government  would  not,  after  all,  re 
deem  his  promises.  "  Your  Governor  is  becoming  very 
popular,  as  we  are  told  here,"  wrote  Arthur  Lee  to  his 
brother,  from  London,  "  and  I  have  the  worst  proof  of 


142  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

it  in  the  increased  orders  for  fineries  from  the  ladies." 
Virginians  did  not  find  it  easy  to  break  an  immemorial 
habit  in  order  to  starve  the  English  trades  and  manu 
factures  ;  and  it  was  more  than  once  necessary  to  urge 
and  renew  the  non-importation  agreements  alike  among 
the  Burgesses  and  merchants  at  Williamsburg  and  by 
means  of  local  associations  throughout  the  colony.  But 
Washington  was  punctilious  to  observe  to  the  letter  the 
agreements  he  had  himself  proposed.  Again  and  again 
he  bade  his  mercantile  agents  in  London  assist  him  to 
guard  against  any  inadvertent  breach  of  them:  not  to 
send  him  the  articles  Parliament  had  picked  out  for 
taxation  in  the  colonies. 

Life  still  continued  to  go,  it  is  true,  with  something 
of  the  old  sumptuousness  at  Mount  Yernon.  It  was  in 
June,  1768,  that  Colonel  Washington  ordered  a  new 
chariot,  "  made  in  the  newest  taste,  handsome,  genteel, 
and  light,  to  be  made  of  the  best  seasoned  wood,  and  by 
a  celebrated  workman,"  which  was  to  cost  him,  fittings 
and  all,  £133.  For  all  he  grew  uneasy  lest  the  colonies' 
disagreement  with  England  should  come  at  last  to  a 
conflict  of  arms,  he  pushed  his  private  interests  with  no 
abatement  of  thoroughness  or  self-possession,  as  if  there 
were  no  fear  but  that  things  would  long  enough  stand 
as  they  were.  He  had  not  run  surveyor's  lines  for  Lord 
Fairfax,  or  assisted  to  drive  the  French  from  the  Ohio, 
without  seeing  what  fair  lands  lay  upon  the  western 
rivers  awaiting  an  owner ;  and,  though  there  was  still 
doubt  how  titles  were  to  be  established  in  that  wilder 
ness,  he  took  care,  through  the  good  offices  of  an  old 
comrade  in  arms,  at  least  to  be  quietly  beforehand  with 
other  claimants  in  setting  up  such  titles  as  might  be 
where  the  land  lay  richest  and  most  accessible.  "A 


THE  HEAT  OF  POLITICS 


143 


silent  management"  was  what  he  advised,  "snugly  car 
ried  on  under  the  guise  of  hunting  other  game,"  lest 
there  should  be  a  premature  rush  thither  that  would  set 
rival  interests  a-clashing.  A  strange  mixture  of  the 
shrewdness  of  the  speculator  and  the  honesty  of  the 
gentleman  —  claims  pushed  with  privacy,  but  without 
trickery  or  chicane — ran  through  his  letters  to  Captain 
Crawford,  and  drew  as  canny  replies  from  the  frontiered 
soldier.  Business  gave  way  often  to  sport  and  pleasure, 
too,  as  of  old,  when  politics  fell  dull  between  sessions. 
Now  it  was  the  hunt;  then  a  gunning  party  in  the 
woods ;  and  again  a  day  or  two  aboard  his  schooner, 
dropping  down  the  river,  and  drawing  the  seine  for 
sheepsheads  upon  the  bar  at  Cedar  Point.  Even  poli 
tics  was  mixed  with  diversion.  He  must  needs  give  a 
ball  at  Alexandria  on  the  evening  of  his  election  to  the 
House  which  was  to  meet  Lord  Botetourt,  no  less  than 
on  other  like  occasions,  of  whatever  kind  the  business  of 
the  Assembly  was  likely  to  be.  He  did  not  lose  his  pas 
sion  for  fine  horse-flesh,  either,  at  the  thickest  of  the 
plot.  In  1770  he  was  with  Governor  Eden,  of  JSTorth 
Carolina,  at  the  Jockey  Club  races  in  Philadelphia,  no 
doubt  relieved  by  the  news  that  all  but  the  tea  tax  had 
been  repealed.  The  next  year  it  was  the  races  in  An 
napolis  that  claimed  him ;  and  in  1773  Jacky  Custis 
held  him  again  at  Philadelphia  on  the  same  errand.  It 
was  wholesome  to  be  thus  calmly  in  pursuit  of  diversion 
in  the  intervals  of  trying  business.  It  bespoke  a  hearty 
life  and  a  fine  balance  in  the  man. 

There  was  one  matter  to  which  Washington  felt  it  his 
bounden  duty  as  a  soldier  and  a  man  of  honor  to  devote 
his  time  and  energies,  whether  politics  pressed  or  not. 
A  grant  of  two  hundred  thousand  acres  of  the  western 


144  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

lands  had  been  promised  by  the  government  of  the  col 
ony  to  those  who  enlisted  for  the  war  against  the 
French  and  Indians  in  1754 ;  but  nothing  had  ever  been 
done  to  fulfil  the  promise,  and  Washington  undertook 
to  act  as  agent  for  his  comrades  in  the  business.  In  the 
autumn  of  1770,  accordingly,  he  turned  away  for  a 
space  from  the  deepening  trouble  in  the  east  to  plunge 
once  more  into  the  western  ways  and  search  out  proper 
tracts  for  the  grant  along  the  reaches  of  the  Ohio. 
'Twas  a  two-months  journey,  for  he  did  not  stop  till 
he  had  gone  close  upon  three  hundred  miles  beyond 
Fort  Pitt.  And  when  he  was  home  again  no  one  in 
the  government  who  could  lend  a  hand  in  the  matter 
got  any  peace  from  the  stirring,  thorough  man  until 
the  business  was  put  finally  into  shape.  There  was  a 
tidy  profit  in  the  grant  for  himself ;  for  his  own  share 
was  large,  and  he  providently  bought,  besides,  the  shares 
of  others  who  were  unwilling  to  spend  or  co-operate  in 
the  matter.  But  there  were  months  upon  months  of 
weary,  unrequited  service  for  his  comrades,  too,  given 
with  hearty  diligence  and  without  grudging.  Their 
portions  were  as  well  placed  as  his  own,  they  were  to 
find,  when  it  came  to  the  survey.  He  came  off  from 
the  business  very  rich  in  western  lands  —  buying  the 
Great  Meadows,  among  the  rest,  for  memory's  sake — 
but  richer  still  in  the  gratitude  and  admiration  of  the 
men  for  whom  he  had  labored. 

Meanwhile  events  darkened  ominously.  A  new  ad 
ministration  had  been  formed  in  England  under  Lord 
North,  and  had  begun  its  government  by  repealing  all 
the  taxes  of  1769  except  that  on  tea.  But  it  was  Par 
liament's  right  to  tax  them  that  the  colonists  were 
fighting,  not  the  taxes  themselves,  and  one  tax  was  as 


THE   HEAT  OF  ^POLITICS  145 

hateful  as  a  hundred.  The  year  had  been  marked  in 
sinister  fashion,  moreover,  by  a  broil  between  townsmen 
and  troops  in  the  streets  of  Boston,  in  which  arms  had 
been  used  and  men  slain,  and  in  the  heated  imaginations 
of  the  colonists  the  affair  had  taken  on  the  ugly  aspect 
of  a  massacre.  The  year  1771  went  quietly  enough  for 
Virginians.  Botetourt  was  dead,  and  that  good  mer 
chant  of  York,  William  Kelson,  President  of  the  Coun 
cil,  sat  in  the  place  of  authority  throughout  the  year. 
Although  the  whole  country  refused  the  taxed  tea,  the 
attention  of  the  ministers,  as  it  happened,  was  fixed 
chiefly  upon  Massachusetts,  where  trade  centred  at  a 
growing  port  and  opposition  had  a  local  habitation.  In 
Virginia  there  was  no  place  to  send  troops  to,  unless 
the  whole  country  were  occupied,  and  so  long  as  Mr. 
Nelson  was  acting  Governor,  Colonel  Washington  could 
go  without  preoccupation  to  the  races,  and  gentlemen 
everywhere  follow  their  own  devices  in  the  quiet  coun 
ties.  There  was  rioting  —  rebellion,  even  —  in  North 
Carolina,  so  uneasily  did  affairs  go  there ;  but  Governor 
Tryon  was  a  soldier  as  well  as  a  despot,  and  did  not 
need  to  trouble  his  neighbors  about  that.  It  was  not 
until  the  first  months  of  1772  that  Virginians  began  to 
read  plain  signs  of  change  in  the  face  of  their  new  Gov 
ernor,  John  Murray,  Earl  Dunmore  —  a  dark  and  dis 
tant  man,  who  seemed  to  the  Virginians  to  come  like  a 
satrap  to  his  province,  who  brought  a  soldier  with  him 
for  secretary  and  confidential  adviser,  set  up  a  fixed 
etiquette  to  be  observed  by  all  who  would  approach 
him,  spoke  abruptly  and  without  courtesy,  displayed  in 
all  things  an  arbitrary  temper,  and  took  more  interest, 
it  presently  appeared,  in  acquiring  tracts  of  western 
land  than  in  conducting  the  government  of  the  colony. 
10 


146  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

The  year  of  his  coming  was  marked  by  the  secret  de 
struction  of  the  revenue  -  schooner  Gaspe  in  Rhode  Isl 
and,  and  by  many  significant  flaws  of  temper  here  and 
there  throughout  the  colonies ;  and  1773  saw  affairs  at 
last  come  to  a  crisis. 

Dunmore  had  summoned  the  Burgesses  to  meet  him 
upon  his  first  coming,  but  had  liked  their  proud  temper 
as  little  as  they  liked  his,  and  was  careful  not  to  call 
them  together  again  till  March,  1773,  though  he  had 
promised  to  convene  them  earlier.  There  was  instant 
trouble.  In  view  of  the  affair  of  the  Gaspe,  Parliament 
had  again  resolved  upon  the  trial  of  malcontents  in 
England,  and  the  Burgesses  were  hot  at  seeing  the  sen 
timents  of  the  colonies  so  flouted.  Conservative  men 
would  still  have  waited  to  try  events,  but  their  fel 
low-members  of  quicker  pulse  were  diligent  to  disap 
point  them.  Leadership  fell  to  those  who  were  bold 
enough  to  take  it ;  and  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  Dabney  Carr,  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  radicals  all, 
drew  together,  a  self-constituted  committee  of  guidance. 
Evening  after  evening  they  met  in  a  private  room  at 
the  Ealeigh,  with  now  and  again  one  or  two  other  like 
spirits  called  into  counsel,  to  consult  what  should  be 
done.  Richard  Henry  Lee  proposed  that  the  colonies 
should  be  invited  to  join  Virginia  in  appointing  com 
mittees  of  correspondence,  through  which  to  devise 
steady  concert  of  action,  and  that  Virginia's  committee, 
to  be  appointed  at  once,  should  be  instructed  to  look 
into  the  character  of  the  new  court  of  trial  lately  estab 
lished  in  Rhode  Island.  Dabney  Carr  was  directed  to 
move  the  resolutions,  and  the  eloquence  of  Lee  and 
Henry  won  for  them  an  instant  and  hearty  acceptance. 
Dunmore  promptly  dissolved  the  Assembly,  and  Wash- 


Thomas  Jefferson  Patrick  Henry 

R  H.  Lee  F,  L.  Lee 


IN    THE    OLD    RALEIGH    TAVEHN 


THE  HEAT  OF  POLITICS  147 

ington  was  free  to  set  out  for  JSTew  York  to  place  Jacky 
Custis  at  King's  College,  lingering  on  the  way  in  Phila 
delphia  to  see  the  races,  and  pick  up  the  talk  of  the 
hour  during  half  a  dozen  evenings  at  the  rooms  of  the 
Jockey  Club,  at  the  balls  and  assemblies  of  the  gay 
town,  and  at  the  hospitable  tables  of  his  friends. 

The  opening  of  the  year  had  found  Washington  in  a 
very  genial  humor,  his  letters  touched  with  pleasantry 
and  gossip.  "Our  celebrated  fortune,  Miss  French, 
whom  half  the  world  was  in  pursuit  of,"  he  wrote,  in 
February,  to  Colonel  Bassett,  "  bestowed  her  hand  on 
Wednesday  last,  being  her  birthday  (you  perceive,  I 
think  myself  under  a  necessity  of  accounting  for  the 
choice),  on  Mr.  Ben  Dulany,  who  is  to  take  her  to  Mary 
land Mentioning  of  one  wedding  puts  me  in  mind 

of  another" — and  so  through  the  news  of  Miss  More, 
"  remarkable  for  a  very  frizzled  head  and  good  singing," 
and  the  rest  of  the  neighborhood  talk.  But  the  year 
turned  out  a  very  sad  one  for  him.  He  had  been  scarce 
ly  ten  days  back  from  New  York  when  Patsy  Custis, 
whom  he  loved  as  his  own  daughter,  died.  It  called 
forth  all  the  latent  Christian  faith  of  the  thoughtful, 
steadfast  man  to  withstand  the  shock.  And  Master 
Jack  Custis,  the  girl's  wayward  brother,  gave  him  little 
but  anxiety.  He  would  not  study,  for  all  Washington 
was  so  solicitous  he  should  have  the  liberalizing  outlook 
of  books,  and  be  made  "  fit  for  more  useful  purposes 
than  horse-racer,"  and  though  he  was  but  twenty,  could 
hardly  be  induced  to  see  the  year  out  at  college  before 
getting  married. 

It  was  no  doubt  very  well  that  public  affairs  of  the 
first  consequence  called  Washington's  mind  imperatively 
off  from  these  private  anxieties,  which  could  not  but  be 


148  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

dwarfed  in  the  presence  of  transactions  which  threat 
ened  to  shake  the  continent.  As  the  year  drew  on,  the 
government  in  England  undertook  to  force  cargoes  of 
the  East  India  Company's  tea  into  the  ports.  When  all 
resisted,  and  Boston,  more  forward  even  than  the  rest, 
threw  three  hundred  and  forty  odd  chests  of  tea  into 
the  harbor,  acts  passed  Parliament  giving  dangerous  in 
crease  of  power  to  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  and 
directing  that  Boston  port  be  closed  to  all  commerce  on 
and  after  the  first  day  of  June ;  and  it  became  evident 
that  vigorous  action  must  be  taken  in  response.  The 
Burgesses  in  Virginia  (May,  1774)  resolved  that  June  1st 
should  be  set  apart  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer — 
prayer  that  civil  war  might  be  averted  and  the  people 
of  America  united  in  a  common  cause.  Again  Dun- 
more  dissolved  them;  but  they  gathered  in  the  long 
room  of  the  Kaleigh  tavern,  and  there  resolved  to  urge 
a  congress  of  all  the  colonies,  and  to  call  a  convention 
for  Virginia  to  meet  at  that  place  on  the  first  day  of 
August  to  take  action  for  the  colony.  They  showed  no 
spleen  towards  the  Governor.  Washington  dined  with 
him  the  very  day  of  the  dissolution,  spent  the  evening 
at  the  palace,  even  rode  out  with  him  to  his  farm  on 
the  following  morning  and  breakfasted  there ;  and  the 
Burgesses  did  not  fail  to  give  the  ball  they  had  planned 
in  honor  of  Lady  Dunmore  and  her  daughters  on  the 
evening  of  the  day  they  had  held  their  meeting  in  the 
"  Appolo  room  "  at  the  Raleigh.  But  there  were  fast 
ing  and  prayer  on  the  1st  of  June ;  the  convention  met 
on  the  first  day  of  August ;  very  outspoken  resolutions 
were  adopted ;  and  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Edmund  Pendle- 
ton,  George  Washington,  and  Benjamin  Harrison  were 


THE   HEAT  OF  POLITICS 


149 


directed  to  attend  the  congress  of  the  colonies  appointed 
to  meet  in  Philadelphia  on  the  fifth  day  of  September. 
When  the  time  came  for  the  journey,  Henry  and  Pen- 
dleton  joined  Washington  at  Mount  Yernon.  It  must 
have  been  with  many  grave  thoughts  that  the  three 
companions  got  to  horse  and  turned  to  ride  through  the 
long  August  day  towards  the  north. 


PILOTING   A    REVOLUTION 


CHAPTER  VI 

IN  the  congress  of  1774  the  leaders  of  Virginia  were 
for  the  first  time  brought  into  face-to-face  conference 
with  the  men  of  the  other  colonies.  In  1765  Fauquier 
had  dissolved  the  Burgesses  with  such  sharp  despatch, 
upon  the  passage  of  Mr.  Henry's  resolutions,  that  they 
were  all  gone  home  before  the  call  for  a  congress  to  act 
upon  the  stamp  duties  could  reach  them.  But  in  1774 
they  were  not  to  be  so  cheated.  They  had  themselves 
issued  the  call  for  a  congress  this  time,  and  dissolution 
could  not  drive  them  home.  Their  leaders  could  at 
least  linger  at  the  Raleigh  and  concert  means  to  have 
their  way,  House  or  no  House.  A  convention  took  the 
place  of  the  Assembly ;  and  seven  leading  members  of 
the  House  were  sent  to  Philadelphia,  with  as  full  au 
thority  to  speak  and  act  for  the  colony  as  if  the  Bur 
gesses  themselves  had  commissioned  them.  Mr.  Har 
rison  declared  in  Philadelphia  that  "he  would  have 
come  on  foot  rather  than  not  come";  and  quiet  Rich 
ard  Bland,  that  "  he  would  have  gone  if  it  had  been  to 
Jericho."  Colonel  Harrison  struck  his  new  colleagues 
from  the  North  as  a  bit  rough  in  his  free  Southern 
speech  and  manner ;  and  Mr.  Bland  seemed  to  them  "  a 
plain,  sensible  man,"  such  as  would  be  more  given  to 
study  than  to  agitation.  If  such  men,  artless  and 
steady  as  any  downright  country  gentleman  of  old 


154  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

England,  held  so  high  a  fancy  for  the  business  of  the 
congress,  it  was  easy  to  conclude  what  the  hastier, 
younger  men  would  be  likely  to  plan  and  do;  and 
the  Massachusetts  delegates  found  themselves  greatly 
heartened. 

John  Adams,  Thomas  Gushing,  Samuel  Adams,  and 
Robert  Treat  Paine  were  the  representatives  of  Massa 
chusetts.  It  was  their  people  who  had  most  provoked 
Parliament  to  be  high-handed  and  aggressive.  The 
struggle  with  the  ministry  at  home  had  taken  shape  in 
Boston.  It  had  come  to  actual  riot  there.  All  the 
continent  and  all  England  had  seen  how  stubborn  was 
the  temper,  how  incorrigible  the  spirit  of  resistance,  in 
that  old  seat  of  the  Puritan  power,  always  hard  set  and 
proud  in  its  self-willed  resolution  to  be  independent ; 
and  all  eyes  were  turned  now  upon  Gushing  and  Paine 
and  this  "brace  of  Adamses,"  who  had  come,  it  was 
thought,  to  hurry  the  congress  into  radical  courses. 
Kindness,  applause,  hospitality,  "studied  and  expensive 
respect,"  had  attended  them  at  every  stage  of  their  long 
ride  from  Boston  to  Philadelphia.  The  country  was 
much  stirred  by  the  prospect  of  a  general  "  congress  of 
committees"  at  Philadelphia;  and  the  delegates  from 
Massachusetts  were  greeted  as  they  passed  even  more 
generously  than  the  rest,  because  their  people  had  been 
the  first  to  suffer  in  this  bad  business;  because  their 
chief  port  at  Boston  was  closed,  and  red-coated  sentries 
were  on  their  streets.  It  behooved  the  Massachusetts 
men,  however,  not  to  suffer  themselves  to  be  misled. 
Many  looked  upon  them  askance ;  some  distrusted  them 
heartily.  Their  own  hot-headed  mob  had  provoked  the 
"massacre,"  of  which  they  made  so  much.  They  had 
wantonly  destroyed  private  property  when  they  threw 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION  155 

the  tea  into  their  harbor  to  show  the  government  their 
spirit.  There  had  been  more  than  a  touch  of  violence, 
more  than  a  little  turbulence,  and  a  vast  deal  of  radical 
and  revolutionary  talk  in  all  that  they  had  done ;  and 
the  colonies  were  full  yet  of  men  who  had  no  tolerance 
for  anything  that  transgressed,  were  it  never  so  little, 
the  moderate  limits  of  constitutional  agitation.  "  There 
is  an  opinion  which  does  in  some  degree  obtain  in  the 
other  colonies  that  the  Massachusetts  gentlemen,  and 
especially  of  the  town  of  Boston,  do  affect  to  dictate 
and  take  the  lead  in  continental  measures ;  that  we  are 
apt,  from  an  inward  vanity  and  self-conceit,  to  assume 
big  and  haughty  airs,"  said  Joseph  Hawley,  who,  for 
all  he  had  grown  old  as  a  quiet  Massachusetts  lawyer 
among  his  neighbors,  had  kept  his  shrewd  eyes  abroad. 
"It  is  highly  probable,"  he  told  John  Adams,  with  a 
wholesome  bluntness,  "that  you  will  meet  gentlemen 
from  several  of  the  other  colonies  fully  equal  to  your 
selves  or  any  of  you  in  their  knowledge  of  Great  Brit 
ain,  the  colonies,  law,  history,  government,  commerce. 
.  .  .  By  what  we  from  time  to  time  see  in  the  public 
papers,  and  what  our  Assembly  and  committees  have 
received  from  the  Assemblies  and  committees  of  the 
more  southern  colonies,  we  must  be  satisfied  that  they 
have  men  of  as  much  sense  and  literature  as  any  we 
can,  or  ever  could,  boast  of."  It  was  mere  counsel  of 
prudence  that  they  should  play  their  part  in  the  con 
gress  with  modesty  and  discretion. 

Not  Gushing  and  Paine,  but  the  Adamses,  carried  the 
strength  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation ;  and  it  was 
Samuel  Adams,  rather  than  John,  who  was  just  now 
the  effective  master  in  the  great  Bay  Colony — "  master 
of  puppets,"  his  enemies  called  him.  Hale,  bluff,  adroit, 


156  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

plain,  a  man  of  the  people,  he  had  grown  old  in  the 
business  of  agitation.  Fifty-two  years  he  had  lived, 
planning  always  for  others,  never  for  himself.  He  had 
"  never  looked  forward  in  his  life,"  he  frankly  said ; 
"  never  planned,  laid  a  scheme,  or  framed  a  design  of 
laying  up  anything  for  himself  or  others  after  him  " ; 
had  let  all  his  private  business  go  neglected,  and  lived 
upon  the  petty  salary  of  a  small  public  office,  the  indul 
gence  of  fortune,  and  the  good  offices  of  the  friends  and 
neighbors  who  loved  him.  He  was  in  Philadelphia  now 
wearing  the  plain  suit  and  spending  the  modest  purse 
with  which  his  friends  and  partisans  had  fitted  him  out 
— the  very  impersonation  of  the  revolution  men  were 
beginning  so  to  fear.  No  man  had  ever  daunted  him ; 
neither  could  any  corrupt  him.  He  was  possessed  with 
the  instinct  of  agitation :  led  the  people,  not  the  leaders ; 
cared  not  for  place,  but  only  for  power ;  showed  a  mas 
tery  of  means,  a  self-containment,  a  capacity  for  timely 
and  telling  speech,  that  marked  him  a  statesman,  though 
he  loved  the  rough  ways  of  a  people's  government,  and 
preferred  the  fierce  democracy  of  the  town  meeting  to 
the  sober  dignity  of  senates.  Like  an  eagle  in  his  high 
building  and  strength  of  audacious  flight,  but  in  instinct 
and  habit  a  bird  of  the  storm.  Not  over-nice  what  he 
did,  not  too  scrupulous  what  he  devised,  he  was  yet  not 
selfish,  loved  the  principles  he  had  given  his  life  to,  and 
spent  himself  without  limit  to  see  them  triumph. 

John  Adams,  his  cousin,  was  of  a  very  different  mould  : 
a  younger  man  l>y  thirteen  years ;  no  man  of  the  people, 
but  with  a  taste  rather  for  the  exclusive  claims  of  edu 
cation  and  breeding ;  self-regardful ;  a  thought  too  cal 
culating  ;  too  quick-witted  to  be  patient  with  dull  men, 
too  self-conscious  to  be  at  ease  with  great  ones ;  and  yet 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION 


157 


public-spirited  withal,  and  generous  in  action  if  not  in 
judgment ;  of  great  powers,  if  only  he  could  manage 
to  use  them  without  jealousy.  Samuel  Adams  thought 
only  of  his  end,  not  of  himself ;  seldom  spoke  of  himself, 
indeed ;  seemed  a  sort  of  subtle  engine  for  the  people's 
business.  John  Adams  thought  of  himself  always,  and 
yet  mastered  himself  to  play  a  great  part  with  the  no 
bility  of  a  man  of  genius,  if  not  with  the  grace  of  a  man 
of  modesty  and  self -forgetful  devotion.  For  the  time  he 
could  even  hold  back  with  his  wily  cousin,  resign  leader 
ship  in  the  congress  to  Virginia,  and  act  in  all  things 
the  wise  part  of  those  who  follow. 

It  was  a  circumstance  full  of  peril  that  the  delegates 
of  the  several  colonies  should  at  such  a  juncture  be 
strangers  to  one  another,  and  provincials  all,  nowhere 
bred  to  continental  affairs.  Only  since  the  passage  of 
the  Stamp  Act  had  they  taken  any  thought  for  each 
other.  There  was  no  assurance  that  even  the  best  lead 
ers  of  a  colony  could  rise  to  the  statesman's  view  and 
concert  measures  to  insure  the  peace  of  an  empire. 
Eising  lawyers  like  John  Adams,  brusque  planters  like 
Colonel  Harrison,  well-to-do  merchants  like  Thomas 
Mifflin,  might  bring  all  honesty  and  good  intention  to 
the  task  and  yet  miserably  fail.  A  provincial  law  prac 
tice,  the  easy  ascendency  of  a  provincial  country  gentle 
man,  the  narrow  round  of  provincial  trade,  might  afford 
capable  men  opportunity  to  become  enlightened  citizens, 
but  hardly  fitted  them  to  be  statesmen.  The  real  first 
business  of  the  delegates  was  to  become  acquainted,  and 
to  learn  how  to  live  in  the  foreign  parts  to  which  most 
of  them  had  come.  There  was  a  continual  round  of  en 
tertainment  in  the  hospitable  town,  therefore,  a  univer 
sal  exchange  of  courtesies,  a  rush  of  visiting  and  dining, 


158  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

a  flow  of  excellent  wine,  a  rich  abundance  of  good  cheer, 
such  as  for  a  while  made  the  occasion  seem  one  of  fes 
tivity  rather  than  of  anxious  counsel.  Many  of  the  dele 
gates  had  come  to  town  a  week  or  more  before  the  date 
set  for  the  congress,  and  had  settled  to  an  acquaintance 
before  it  was  time  to  effect  an  organization ;  but  the 
gentlemen  from  Maryland  and  Virginia,  more  familiar 
with  the  journey,  arrived  almost  upon  the  day.  They 
made  an  instant  impression  upon  their  new  colleagues. 
John  Adams  promptly  declared  them  "  the  most  spirited 
and  consistent  of  any,"  and  deemed  Mr.  Lee  particularly 
"a  masterly  man."  Joseph  Hawley's  prediction  was 
fulfilled.  "The  Virginia  and  indeed  all  the  Southern 
delegates  appear  like  men  of  importance,"  said  Silas 
Deane ;  "  I  never  met,  nor  scarcely  had  an  idea  of  meet 
ing,  with  men  of  such  firmness,  sensibility,  spirit,  and 
thorough  knowledge  of  the  interests  of  America."  Mr. 
Lynch  of  South  Carolina,  though  he  wore  "  the  manu 
facture  of  this  country,"  and  was  in  all  things  "  plain, 
sensible,  above  ceremony,"  seemed  to  Mr.  Deane  to  carry 
with  him  "  more  force  in  his  very  appearance  than  most 
powdered  folks  in  their  conversation." 

The  high  bearing  and  capacity  of  the  Southern  dele 
gates  came  upon  the  New  England  men  like  a  great  sur 
prise:  where  they  had  expected  to  see  rustic  squires 
they  found  men  of  elegance  and  learning.  But  there 
was,  in  fact,  no  good  reason  to  wonder  at  the  natural 
leadership  of  these  men.  Their  life  had  bred  them  more 
liberally  than  others.  It  required  a  much  more  various 
capacity  and  knowledge  of  the  world  to  administer  a 
great  property  and  live  the  life  of  a  local  magnate  in  the 
South  than  sufficed  to  put  a  man  at  the  front  of  trade  or 
of  legal  practice  in  Boston  or  New  York  or  Philadelphia. 


WASHINGTON 

(From  the  portrait  by  Rembrandt  Peale  in  the  Vice-President's  Room  at  the  Capitol,  Washington) 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION  159 

The  Southern  colonies,  besides,  had  lived  more  in  sym 
pathy  with  the  life  of  the  empire  than  had  their  North 
ern  neighbors.  Their  life  had  depended  directly  upon 
that  of  England  hitherto,  and  had  partaken  of  it  with 
a  constant  zest.  They  had  no  rival  trade;  they  had 
wanted  no  rival  government.  The  general  air  of  the 
wide  empire  had  blown  in  all  ordinary  seasons  through 
their  affairs,  and  they  had  cultivated  none  of  that  shrewd 
antagonism  towards  the  home  government  which  had  so 
sharpened  the  wits  and  narrowed  the  political  interests 
of  the  best  men  in  New  England.  They  had  read  law 
because  they  were  men  of  business,  without  caring  too 
much  about  its  niceties  or  meaning  to  practise  it  in  liti 
gation.  They  had  read  their  English  history  without 
feeling  that  they  were  separate  from  it.  Their  passion 
for  freedom  was  born  not  of  local  feeling  so  much  as  of 
personal  pride  and  the  spirit  of  those  who  love  old  prac 
tices  and  the  just  exemptions  of  an  ancient  constitution. 
It  was  the  life  they  had  lived,  and  the  conceptions  of 
personal  dignity  and  immemorial  privilege  that  had  gone 
always  with  it,  that  gave  them  so  striking  an  air  of  mas 
tery.  It  was  not  simply  because  the  Massachusetts  dele 
gates  kept  themselves  prudently  in  the  background  and 
the  rest  yielded  to  her  pretensions  that  Virginia  was  ac 
corded  primacy  in  the  congress :  it  was  also  because  her 
representatives  were  men  to  whom  power  naturally  fell, 
and  because  she  had  won  so  honorable  a  place  of  leader 
ship  already  in  the  common  affairs  of  the  continent. 

Colonel  Washington,  striking  and  forceable  man 
though  he  was,  did  not  figure  as  a  leader  among  the 
Virginian  delegates.  Peyton  Eandolph  was  elected 
president  of  the  congress ;  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Pat 
rick  Henry  stood  forth  as  the  Virginian  leaders  on  the 


160  -    GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

floor.  "If  you  speak  of  solid  information  and  sound 
judgment,  Colonel  Washington  is  unquestionably  the 
greatest  man  on  that  floor,"  was  Henry's  confident  and 
generous  verdict ;  but  Washington  was  no  politician, 
and  did  not  stand  in  exactly  the  same  class  with  the 
rest.  He  had  headed  committees  and  presided  over 
popular  meetings  among  his  own  neighbors  in  Fairfax, 
and  had  been  prompt  to  join  them  in  speaking  with 
high  spirit  against  the  course  of  the  ministry  in  Eng 
land.  He  had  been  forward  in  urging  and  punctiliously 
careful  in  practising  non-importation.  He  had  declared 
Gage's  conduct  in  Boston  "  more  becoming  a  Turkish 
bashaw  than  an  English  governor."  But  he  was  a  man 
of  action  rather  than  of  parliaments.  "  I  will  raise  one 
thousand  men,  enlist  them  at  my  own  expense,  and 
march  myself  at  their  head  for  the  relief  of  Boston," 
had  been  his  impetuous  utterance  in  the  Virginian  con 
vention  — "  the  most  eloquent  speech  that  ever  was 
made,"  Mr.  Lynch  declared.  "I  have  heard  he  said," 
reported  an  admiring  Philadelphian — "  I  have  heard  he 
said  he  wished  to  God  the  liberties  of  America  were  to 
be  determined  by  a  single  combat  between  himself  and 
George!"  But  his  fellow  Virginians  understood  him 
better.  They  had  chosen  him  for  force  and  sobriety ; 
not  as  an  orator,  but  as  the  first  soldier  and  one  of  the 
first  characters  of  the  commonwealth  ;  and  he  had  made 
the  impression  they  expected.  He  had  not  been  put  upon 
their  committee  of  correspondence,  or  been  appointed 
with  Nicholas  and  Pendleton  and  Lee  and  Henry  to 
draw  resolutions  and  remonstrances ;  but  when  it  came 
to  choosing  those  who  should  represent  the  Old  Do 
minion  in  the  congress,  but  two  names  stood  before 
his  in  the  vote.  Peyton  Eandolph,  104;  Eichard  Henry 


PILOTING   A  REVOLUTION  161 

Lee,  100;  George  Washington,  98 ;  Patrick  Henry,  89; 
Kichard  Bland,  79 ;  Benjamin  Harrison,  66 ;  Edmund 
Pendleton,  62 — such  had  been  the  preference  of  the  con 
vention.  The  Northern  delegates  admired  his  "easy, 
soldier-like  air  and  gesture "  and  his  modest  and  "  cool 
but  determined  "  style  and  accent  when  he  spoke ;  and 
wondered  to  see  him  look  scarce  forty,  when  they  re 
called  how  his  name  had  gone  through  the  colonies 
twenty  years  ago,  when  he  had  met  the  French  so  gal 
lantly  at  Great  Meadows,  and  with  Braddock  at  the 
forks  of  the  Ohio. 

The  Massachusetts  delegates  had  reason  to  admire 
his  manly  openness,  too,  and  straightforward  candor. 
An  old  comrade  in  arms  whom  he  esteemed — a  Virgin 
ian  now  in  regular  commission,  and  stationed  with  the 
troops  in  Boston  —  had  written  him  very  damaging 
things  about  the  "  patriot "  leaders  of  the  beset  town  ; 
of  their  "  tyrannical  oppression  over  one  another,"  and 
"  their  fixed  aim  at  total  independence,"  and  had  charged 
them  roundly  with  being  no  better  than  demagogues 
and  rebels.  "Washington  went  at  once  to  the  men  ac 
cused,  to  learn  from  their  own  lips  their  principles  and 
intentions,  taking  Kichard  Henry  Lee  and  discreet  Dr. 
Shippen  along  with  him  as  his  sponsors  and  witnesses. 
"  Spent  the  evening  at  home  with  Colonel  Lee,  Colonel 
Washington,  and  Dr.  Shippen,  who  came  in  to  consult 
us,"  was  John  Adams's  entry  in  his  diary  for  September 
28th.  No  doubt  Samuel  Adams  found  the  interview  a 
trying  one,  and  winced  a  little  under  the  examination  of 
the  calm  and  steady  soldier,  going  so  straight  to  the 
point,  for  all  his  Virginian  ceremony.  There  had  been 
many  outward  signs  of  the  demagogue  in  Adams's  career. 
He  had  been  consciously  and  deliberately  planning  and 
11 


162  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

scheming  for  independence  ever  since  1768,  and  had 
made  public  avowal  of  his  purpose  no  longer  ago  than 
last  year.  It  must  have  taxed  even  his  adroit  powers 
to  convince  these  frank  Virginians  that  his  purpose  was 
not  rebellion,  but  liberty ;  that  he  venerated  what  they 
venerated,  and  wished  only  what  they  wished.  But  the 
truth  somehow  lay  open  before  the  evening  was  gone. 
There  was  frank  cordiality  in  the  parting:  Washing 
ton  was  convinced  of  their  genuineness  and  sobriety. 
"  Though  you  are  led  to  believe  by  venal  men,"  he  re 
plied  to  Captain  Mackenzie,  "  that  the  people  of  Massa 
chusetts  are  rebellious,  setting  up  for  independency, 
and  what  not,  give  me  leave,  my  good  friend,  to  tell  you 
that  you  are  abused,  grossly  abused.  This  I  advance 
with  a  degree  of  confidence  and  boldness  which  may 
claim  your  belief,  having  better  opportunities  for  know 
ing  the  real  sentiments  of  the  people  you  are  among, 
from  the  leaders  of  them,  in  opposition  to  the  present 
measures  of  the  administration,  than  you  have  from 
those  whose  business  it  is  not  to  disclose  truths,  but  to 
misrepresent  facts  in  order  to  justify  as  much  as  possi 
ble  to  the  world  their  own  conduct." 

The  Massachusetts  men  had  come  to  a  better  under 
standing  of  the  game — began  to  see  how  cautiously  it 
must  be  played,  how  slowly  and  how  wisely.  It  was  a 
critical  business,  this  of  drawing  all  the  colonies  into  a 
common  congress,  as  if  to  create  a  directing  body  for 
the  continent,  without  constitution  or  warrant.  The 
establishment  of  committees  of  correspondence  had 
seemed  little  short  of  seditious,  for  it  was  notorious  the 
committees  were  formed  to  concert  action  against  the 
government  at  home;  but  this  "congress  of  commit 
tees"  was  an  even  more  serious  matter.  Would  the 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION  163 

colonies  venture  a  continental  organization  to  defy  Par 
liament  ?  Dangerous  differences  of  opinion  were  blown 
hot  between  neighbors  by  such  measures.  Some  of  the 
best  men  in  America  were  opposed  to  the  course  which 
was  now  evidently  to  be  taken.  So  long  as  it  was 
merely  a  matter  of  protest  by  the  colonies  severally, 
they  had  no  criticism  to  make  —  except  perhaps  that 
Mr.  Otis  and  Mr.  Henry  had  held  unnecessarily  high 
language,  and  had  been  bold  and  defiant  beyond  meas 
ure  ;  but  when  they  saw  how  the  opposition  gathered 
head,  hastened  from  protest  to  concerted  resistance,  put 
popular  conventions  into  the  place  of  lawful  legislative 
assemblies,  and  advanced  at  length  to  a  continental  or 
ganization,  they  deemed  it  high  time  to  bestir  them 
selves,  vindicate  their  loyalty  to  his  Majesty's  govern 
ment,  and  avert  a  revolution.  They  were  not  men  to 
be  trifled  with.  Had  they  been  able  to  unite  upon  ac 
tive  measures,  had  they  advanced  from  defence  to  ag 
gressive  action,  they  might  have  rendered  themselves 
formidable  beyond  possibility  of  defeat.  Everywhere 
men  of  substance  and  of  influence  were  to  be  found  by 
the  score  who  were  opposed  to  a  revolutionary  agita 
tion,  such  as  this  that  now  seemed  to  be  gathering  head. 
Even  in  Massachusetts  men  who  bore  the  best  and  the 
oldest  names  of  the  commonwealth  were  of  this  num 
ber  ;  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  at  the  very  heart 
of  the  continent,  they  could,  it  was  believed,  boast  a 
majority,  as  well  as  to  the  far  southward,  in  the  low 
country  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  No  one,  they 
declared,  but  designing  politicians  and  men  without 
property,  those  who  had  much  to  gain  and  nothing  to 
lose  by  the  upsetting  of  law  and  ordered  government, 
wished  to  see  this  contest  with  the  ministry  pushed  to 


164  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

extremes.  They  wished  no  less  than  others  to  see  the 
colonies  keep  their  lawful  and  chartered  liberties,  but 
the  thing  must  be  accomplished  soberly,  and  without 
loss  of  things  equally  dear — of  honor,  and  the  mainten 
ance  of  an  unbroken  English  Empire. 

The  nice  balance  of  parties  was  disclosed  in  the  con 
gress  itself.  The  Pennsylvanian  delegation  was  led  by 
Joseph  Galloway,  a  man  in  the  prime  of  life,  full  of 
force  and  learning,  who  had  been  Speaker  of  the  pro 
vincial  House  these  eight  years  by  the  almost  unani 
mous  choice  of  his  colleagues,  and  who  now  stood  forth 
to  utter  the  real  voice  of  his  colony  in  proposing  meas 
ures  of  accommodation.  He  proposed  that  the  home 
government  be  asked  to  sanction  the  establishment  of  a 
confederate  parliament  for  America,  composed  of  dele 
gates  to  be  chosen  every  third  year  by  the  legislatures 
of  the  several  colonies,  and  acting  under  a  governor- 
general  to  be  appointed  by  the  crown.  Edward  Rut- 
ledge,  of  South  Carolina,  hot  orator  for  liberty  though 
he  was,  declared  it  an  "  almost  perfect  plan,"  and  was 
eager  to  see  it  adopted ;  influential  members  from 
almost  every  quarter  gave  it  their  hearty  support, 
Mr.  John  Jay,  of  New  York,  among  the  rest ;  and  it 
was  defeated  only  by  the  narrow  majority  of  a  single 
colony's  vote.  Chatham  might  very  justly  commend 
the  congress  of  1774  as  conspicuous  among  deliberative 
bodies  for  its  "  decency,  firmness,  and  wisdom,"  its  "  so 
lidity  of  reasoning,  force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom  of 
conclusion,  under  such  a  complication  of  circumstances," 
for  the  complication  of  circumstances  was  such  as  even 
he  did  not  fully  comprehend.  For  seven  weeks  of  al 
most  continuous  session  did  it  hammer  its  stiff  business 
into  shape,  never  wearying  of  deliberation  or  debate,  till 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION  165 

it  could  put  forth  papers  to  the  world — an  address  to 
the  King,  memorials  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain  and 
to  the  people  of  British  America,  their  fellow-subjects, 
and  a  solemn  declaration  of  rights — which  should  mark 
it  no  revolutionary  body,  but  a  congress  of  just  and 
thoughtful  Englishmen,  in  love,  not  with  license  or  re 
bellion,  but  with  right  and  wholesome  liberty.  Their 
only  act  of  aggression  was  the  formation  of  an  "  Amer 
ican  Association"  pledged  against  trade  with  Great 
Britain  till  the  legislation  of  which  they  complained 
should  be  repealed.  Their  only  intimation  of  intention 
for  the  future  was  a  resolution  to  meet  again  the  next 
spring,  should  their  prayers  not  meanwhile  be  heeded. 

Washington  turned  homeward  from  the  congress 
with  thoughts  and  purposes  every  way  deepened  and 
matured.  It  had  been  a  mere  seven  weeks'  conference ; 
no  one  had  deemed  the  congress  a  government,  or  had 
spoken  of  any  object  save  peace  and  accommodation ; 
but  no  one  could  foresee  the  issue  of  what  had  been 
done.  A  spirit  had  run  through  those  deliberations 
which  gave  thoughtful  men,  as  they  pondered  it,  a  new 
idea  of  the  colonies.  It  needed  no  prophet  to  discern 
beyond  all  this  sober  and  anxious  business  a  vision 
of  America  united,  armed,  belligerent  for  her  rights. 
There  was  no  telling  what  form  of  scornful  rejection 
awaited  that  declaration  of  rights  or  the  grave  plead 
ing  of  that  urgent  memorial  to  the  crown.  It  behooved 
every  man  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  for  the  worst ; 
and  Washington  saw  as  clearly  as  any  man  at  how  nice 
a  hazard  things  stood.  He  had  too  frank  a  judgment 
upon  affairs  to  cheat  himself  with  false  hopes.  "  An 
innate  spirit  of  freedom  first  told  me  that  the  measures 
which  administration  hath  for  some  time  been  and  now 


166  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

are  most  violently  pursuing  are  repugnant  to  every  prin 
ciple  of  natural  justice,"  had  been  his  earnest  language 
to  Bryan  Fairfax  ere  he  set  out  for  the  congress ; 
"  whilst  much  abler  heads  than  my  own  hath  fully  con 
vinced  me  that  it  is  not  only  repugnant  to  natural  right, 
but  subversive  of  the  laws  and  constitution  of  Great 
Britain  itself,  in  the  establishment  of  which  some  of 
the  best  blood  of  the  kingdom  hath  been  spilt.  ...  I 
could  wish,  I  own,"  he  had  added,  "that  this  dispute 
had  been  left  to  posterity  to  determine  " ;  but  he  knew 
more  clearly  than  ever  before,  as  he  rode  homeward 
from  the  congress  through  the  autumn  woods,  that  it 
had  not  been ;  that  Lee  and  Henry  and  Mason  were 
rightly  of  the  same  mind  and  purpose  with  the  men 
from  Massachusetts;  that  conference  had  only  united 
and  heartened  those  who  stood  for  liberty  in  every  col 
ony  ;  that  there  could  be  no  compromise — perhaps  no 
yielding  either — and  that  every  man  must  now  take  his 
soberest  resolution  for  the  times  to  come. 

He  turned  steadily  to  his  private  business  for  the 
winter,  nevertheless,  as  was  his  wont — pushed  forward 
the  preparation  and  settlement  of  his  western  lands, 
and  stood  guard,  as  before,  over  the  soldiers'  grants 
upon  the  Ohio,  against  official  bad  faith  and  negligence. 
"  For  a  year  or  two  past  there  has  been  scarce  a  mo 
ment  that  I  could  properly  call  my  own,"  he  declared 
to  a  friend  who  solicited  his  promise  to  act  as  guardian 
to  his  son.  "  What  with  my  own  business,  my  present 
ward's,  my  mother's,  which  is  wholly  in  my  hands, 
Colonel  Fairfax's,  Colonel  Mercer's,  and  the  little  assist 
ance  I  have  undertaken  to  give  in  the  management  of 
my  brother  Augustine's  concerns,  together  with  the 
share  I  take  in  public  affairs,  I  have  been  constantly 


CARPENTER'S  HALL,  PHILADELPHIA 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION  167 

engaged  in  writing  letters,  settling  accounts,  and  nego 
tiating  one  piece  of  business  or  another ;  by  which  means 
I  have  really  been  deprived  of  every  kind  of  enjoyment, 
and  had  almost  fully  resolved  to  engage  in  no  fresh  mat 
ter  till  I  had  entirely  wound  up  the  old."  He  promised 
to  undertake  the  new  charge,  nevertheless.  It  was 
stuff  of  his  nature  to  spend  himself  thus,  and  keep  his 
powers  stretched  always  to  a  great  compass. 

With  the  new  year  (1775)  public  affairs  loomed  big 
again,  and  ominous.  The  petitions  of  the  congress  at 
Philadelphia  had  been  received  in  England  almost  with 
contempt.  Chatham,  indeed,  with  that  broad  and  no 
ble  sagacity  which  made  him  so  great  a  statesman,  had 
proposed  that  America's  demands  should  be  met,  to  the 
utmost  length  of  repeal  and  withdrawal  of  menace,  and 
that  she  should  be  accorded  to  the  full  the  self-govern 
ment  she  demanded  in  respect  of  taxation  and  every 
domestic  concern.  "  It  is  not  cancelling  a  piece  of  parch 
ment,"  he  cried,  "  that  can  win  back  America,"  the  old 
fire  burning  hot  within  him;  "you  must  respect  her 
fears  and  her  resentments."  The  merchants,  too,  in  fear 
for  their  trade,  urged  very  anxiously  that  there  should 
be  instant  and  ample  concession.  But  the  King's  stub 
born  anger,  the  Parliament's  indifference,  the  ministry's 
incapacity,  made  it  impossible  anything  wise  or  gener 
ous  should  be  done.  Instead  of  real  concession  there 
was  fresh  menace.  The  ministry  did,  indeed,  offer  to 
exempt  from  taxation  every  colony  that  would  promise 
that  by  its  own  vote  it  would  make  proper  contribution 
to  the  expenses  of  public  defence  and  imperial  adminis 
tration —  in  the  hope  thereby  to  disengage  the  luke 
warm  middle  colonies  from  the  plot  now  thickening 
against  the  government.  But  Massachusetts  was  at 


168  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

once  proclaimed  in  rebellion,  every  port  in  New  Eng 
land  was  declared  closed  against  trade,  New  England 
fishermen  were  denied  access  to  the  Newfoundland  fish 
eries,  and  ten  thousand  fresh  troops  were  ordered  to 
Boston.  Neither  the  pleas  of  their  friends  nor  the 
threats  of  their  enemies  reached  the  ears  of  the  colo 
nists  promptly  from  over  sea  that  portentous  spring; 
but  they  were  not  slow  to  perceive  that  they  must 
look  for  no  concessions;  and  they  did  not  wait  upon 
Parliament  in  their  preparation  for  a  doubtful  future. 
Upon  the  very  day  the  "  congress  of  committees  "  at 
Philadelphia  adjourned,  a  "provincial  congress"  in 
Massachusetts,  formed  of  its  own  authority  in  the  stead 
of  the  House  of  Delegates  the  Governor  had  but  just 
now  dissolved,  had  voted  to  organize  and  equip  the 
militia  of  the  colony  and  to  collect  stores  and  arms. 
Virginia  had  been  equally  bold,  and  almost  equally 
prompt,  far  away  as  she  seemed  from  the  King's  troops 
at  Boston.  By  the  end  of  January  Charles  Lee  could 
write  from  Williamsburg :  "The  whole  country  is  full 
-of  soldiers,  all  furnished,  all  in  arms.  .  .  .  Never  was 
such  vigor  and  concord  heard  of,  not  a  single  traitor, 
scarcely  a  silent  dissentient." 

"  Every  county  is  now  arming  a  company  of  men  for 
the  avowed  purpose  of  protecting  their  committees," 
Dunmore  had  reported  to  the  ministry  before  the  year 
17Y4  was  out,  "  and  to  be  employed  against  government 
if  occasion  require.  As  to  the  power  of  government 
which  your  lordship  directs  should  be  exerted  to  coun 
teract  the  dangerous  measures  pursuing  here,  I  can  as 
sure  your  lordship  that  it  is  entirely  disregarded,  if  not 
wholly  overturned.  There  is  not  a  justice  of  peace  in 
Virginia  that  acts  except  as  a  committeeman  ;  the  abol- 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION  169 

ishing  of  courts  of  justice  was  the  first  step  taken,  in 
which  the  men  of  fortune  and  pre-eminence  joined 
equally  with  the  lowest  and  meanest."  Company  after 
company,  as  it  formed,  asked  Colonel  Washington  to 
assume  command  over  it,  not  only  in  his  own  county  of 
Fairfax,  but  in  counties  also  at  a  distance — and  he  ac 
cepted  the  responsibility  as  often  as  it  was  offered  to 
him.  "  It  is  my  full  intention,"  he  said,  simply,  "  to 
devote  my  life  and  fortune  to  the  cause  we  are  engaged 
in,  if  needful "  ;  and  he  had  little  doubt  any  longer  what 
was  to  come.  He  found  time,  even  that  stirring  year, 
to  quicken  his  blood  once  and  again,  nevertheless,  while 
winter  held,  by  a  run  with  the  hounds :  for  he  was  not 
turned  politician  so  sternly  even  yet  as  to  throw  away 
his  leisure  upon  anything  less  wholesome  than  the  hale 
sport  he  loved. 

On  the  20th  of  May,  1775,  the  second  Virginian  con 
vention  met,  not  in  Williamsburg,  but  at  Richmond, 
and  its  chief  business  was  the  arming  of  the  colony. 
Maryland  had  furnished  the  ironical  formula  with  which 
to  justify  what  was  to  be  done :  "  Resolved,  unanimous 
ly,  that  a  well-regulated  militia,  composed  of  the  gen 
tlemen  freeholders  and  other  freemen,  is  the  natural 
strength  and  only  stable  security  of  a  free  government ; 
and  that  such  militia  will  relieve  our  mother -country 
from  any  expense  in  our  protection  and  defence,  will 
obviate  the  pretence  of  a  necessity  for  taxing  us  on  that 
account,  and  render  it  unnecessary  to  keep  any  standing 
army  —  ever  dangerous  to  liberty  —  in  this  province." 
Mr.  Henry  accepted  the  formula  with  great  relish,  in 
the  convention  at  Richmond,  in  his  resolution  "that  the 
colony  be  immediately  put  into  a  posture  of  defence," 
but  he  broke  with  it  in  the  speech  with  which  he  sup- 


170  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ported  his  measures  of  preparation.  In  that  there  was 
no  plan  or  pretence  of  peace,  but,  instead,  a  plain  dec 
laration  of  war.  Once  more  did  Edmund  Pendleton, 
Richard  Bland,  Mr.  Nicholas,  and  Colonel  Harrison 
spring  to  their  feet  to  check  him,  as  in  the  old  days  of 
the  Stamp  Act.  Once  more,  nevertheless,  did  he^have 
his  way,  completely,  triumphantly.  What  he  had  pro 
posed  was  done,  and  his  very  opponents  served  upon 
the  committee  charged  with  its  accomplishment.  It 
was  not  doing  more  than  other  colonies  had  done ;  it 
was  only  saying  more ;  it  was  only  dealing  more  fear 
lessly  and  frankly  with  fortune.  Even  slow,  conserva 
tive  men  like  John  Dickinson,  of  Pennsylvania,  shielded 
themselves  behind  only  an  "  if."  "  The  first  act  of  vio 
lence  on  the  part  of  administration  in  America,"  they 
knew,  "  or  the  attempt  to  reinforce  General  Gage  this 
winter  or  next  year,  will  put  the  whole  continent  in 
arms,  from  Nova  Scotia  to  Georgia." 

What  they  feared  very  speedily  came  to  pass.  'Twas 
hardly  four  weeks  from  the  day  Mr.  Henry  proclaimed 
a  state  of  war  in  the  convention  at  Richmond  before 
the  King's  regulars  were  set  upon  at  Lexington  and 
Concord  and  driven  back  in  rout  to  their  quarters  by 
the  swarming  militia-men  of  Massachusetts.  On  the 
19th  of  April  they  had  set  out  across  a  peaceful  country 
to  seize  the  military  stores  placed  at  Concord.  Before 
the  day  was  out  they  had  been  fairly  thrown  back  into 
Boston,  close  upon  three  hundred  of  their  comrades 
gone  to  a  last  reckoning ;  and  the  next  morning  dis-, 
closed  a  rapidly  growing  provincial  army  drawn  in 
threatened  siege  about  them.  In  the  darkness  of  that 
very  night  (April  20th),  at  the  command  of  Dunmore, 
a  force  of  marines  was  landed  from  an  armed  sloop  that 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION  171 

lay  in  James  River,  in  Virginia,  to  seize  the  gunpowder 
stored  at  Williamsburg.  The  Virginians  in  their  turn 
sprang  to  arms,  and  Dunmore  was  forced,  ere  he  could 
rid  himself  of  the  business,  to  pay  for  the  powder  taken 
— pay  Captain  Patrick  Henry,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of 
militia  under  arms. 

On  the  10th  of  May  the  second  Continental  Congress 
met  at  Philadelphia,  with  business  to  transact  vastly 
different  from  that  to  which  the  first  "  congress  of  com 
mittees"  had  addressed  itself  —  not  protests  and  re 
solves,  but  quick  and  efficient  action.  The  very  day  it 
met,  a  body  of  daring  provincials  under  Ethan  Allen 
had  walked  into  the  open  gates  at  Ticonderoga  and 
taken  possession  of  the  stout  fortress  "  in  the  name  of 
the  Great  Jehovah  and  the  Continental  Congress  "  ;  and 
two  days  later  a  similar  exploit  secured  Crown  Point  to 
the  insurgents.  Active  war  had  begun ;  an  army  was 
set  down  before  Boston — a  rude  army  that  had  grown 
to  be  sixteen  thousand  strong  within  the  first  week  of 
its  rally ;  the  country  was  united  in  a  general  resistance, 
and  looked  to  the  congress  to  give  it  organization  and 
guidance.  Colonel  Washington  had  come  to  the  con 
gress  in  his  provincial  uniform,  and  found  himself  a 
great  deal  sought  after  in  its  committees.  JSTot  only 
the  drawing  of  state  papers  which  would  once  more 
justify  their  cause  and  their  resort  to  arms  in  the  eyes 
of  the  world,  but  the  actual  mustering  and  equipment 
of  an  army,  quick  fortification,  the  gathering  of  muni 
tions  and  supplies,  the  raising  of  money  and  the  organ 
ization  of  a  commissariat,  the  restraint  of  the  Indians 
upon  the  frontier,  was  the  business  in  hand,  and  Wash 
ington's  advice  was  invaluable  when  such  matters  were 
afoot.  He  showed  no  hesitation  as  to  what  should  be 


172  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

done.  His  own  mind  had  long  ago  been  made  up ;  and  the 
sessions  of  the  congress  were  not  ended  before  Virginia 
was  committed  beyond  all  possibility  of  drawing  back. 
The  1st  of  June  saw  her  last  House  of  Burgesses  con 
vene;  for  by  the  8th  of  the  month  Dunmore  was  a 
fugitive  —  had  seen  the  anger  of  a  Williamsburg  mob 
blaze  hot  against  him,  and  had  taken  refuge  upon  a 
man-of-war  lying  in  the  river.  The  province  was  in 
revolution,  and  Washington  was  ready  to  go  with  it. 

It  meant  more  than  he  thought  that  he  had  come  to 
Philadelphia  habited  like  a  soldier.  It  had  not  been  his 
purpose  to  draw  all  eyes  upon  him :  it  was  merely  his 
instinctive  expression  of  his  own  personal  feeling  with 
regard  to  the  crisis  that  had  come.  But  it  was  in  its 
way  a  fulfilment  of  prophecy.  When  the  first  Virgin- 
ian  convention  chose  delegates  to  attend  the  congress 
of  1774,  "some  of  the  tickets  on  the  ballot  assigned 
reasons  for  the  choice  expressed  in  them.  Randolph 
should  preside  in  congress;  Lee  and  Henry  should  dis 
play  the  different  kinds  of  eloquence  for  which  they 
were  renowned ;  Washington  should  command  the 
army,  if  an  army  should  be  raised ;  Bland  should  open 
the  treasures  of  ancient  colonial  learning;  Harrison 
should  utter  plain  truths  ;  and  Pendleton  should  be  the 
penman  for  business."  No  wonder  the  gentlemen  from 
Virginia,  coming  with  such  confidence  to  the  congress, 
made  the  instant  impression  they  did  for  mastery  and 
self -poise!  "  There  are  some  fine  fellows  come  from 
Virginia,"  Joseph  Reed  had  reported,  "but  they  are 
very  high.  We  understand  they  are  the  capital  men  of 
the  colony."  Washington  alone  awaited  his  cue.  Now 
he  was  to  get  it,  without  expecting  it.  The  irregular 
army  swarming  before  Boston  was  without  standing  or 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION  173 

government.  It  had  run  hastily  together  out  of  four 
colonies ;  was  subject  to  no  common  authority  ;  hardly 
knew  what  allegiance  it  bore ;  might  fall  to  pieces  un 
less  it  were  adequately  commanded.  The  congress  in 
Philadelphia  was  called  upon  to  recognize  and  adopt  it, 
give  it  leave  and  authority  to  act  for  all  the  colonies, 
give  it  a  commander,  and  summon  the  whole  country 
to  recruit  it.  There  was  an  obvious  political  necessity 
that  the  thing  should  be  done,  and  done  promptly. 
Massachusetts  did  not  wish  to  stand  alone ;  New  Eng 
land  wanted  the  active  assistance  of  the  other  colonies ; 
something  must  be  attempted  to  secure  common  action. 
The  first  thing  to  do  was  to  choose  an  acceptable  and 
efficient  leader,  and  to  choose  him  outside  New  England. 
To  John  Adams  the  choice  seemed  simple  enough. 
There  was  no  soldier  in  America,  outside  New  England 
— nor  inside  either — to  be  compared,  whether  in  ex 
perience  or  distinction,  with  Washington,  the  gallant, 
straightforward,  earnest  Virginian  he  had  learned  so  to 
esteem  and  trust  there  in  Philadelphia.  He  accordingly 
moved  that  congress  "  adopt  the  army  at  Cambridge," 
and  declared  that  he  had  "  but  one  gentleman  in  mind  " 
for  its  command — "a  gentleman  from  Virginia,  who 
was  among  us,"  he  said,  "  and  very  well  known  to  all  of 
us ;  a  gentleman  whose  skill  and  experience  as  an  officer, 
whose  independent  fortune,  great  talents,  and  excellent 
universal  character,  would  command  the  approbation  of 
all  America,  and  unite  the  cordial  exertions  of  all  the 
colonies  better  than  any  other  person  in  the  union." 
Washington,  taken  unawares,  rose  and  slipped  in  con 
fusion  from  the  room.  Some  of  his  own  friends  doubt 
ed  the  expediency  of  putting  a  Virginian  at  the  head 
of  a  New  England  army,  but  the  more  clear-sighted 


174  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

among  the  New-Englanders  did  not,  and  the  selection 
was  made,  after  a  little  hesitation,  unanimously. 

Washington  accepted  his  commission  with  that  mix 
ture  of  modesty  and  pride  that  made  men  love  and  hon 
or  him.  "  You  may  believe  me,  mj"  dear  Patsy,"  were 
his  simple  words  to  his  wife, "  when  I  assure  you  in 
the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  so  far  from  seeking  this 
appointment,  1  have  used  every  endeavor  in  my  power 
to  avoid  it,  not  only  from  my  unwillingness  to  part 
with  you  and  the  family,  but  from  a  consciousness  of 
its  being  a  trust  too  great  for  my  capacity.  .  .  .  But  as 
it  has  been  a  kind  of  destiny  that  has  thrown  me  upon 
this  service,  I  shall  hope  that  my  undertaking  it  is  de 
signed  to  answer  some  good  purpose.  ...  It  was  ut 
terly  out  of  my  power  to  refuse  this  appointment,  with 
out  exposing  my  character  to  such  censures  as  would 
have  reflected  dishonor  upon  myself  and  given  pain  to 
my  friends."  He  spoke  in  the  same  tone  to  the  con 
gress.  "  I  beg  it  may  be  remembered,"  he  said,  "  by 
every  gentleman  in  this  room,  that  I  this  day  declare 
with  the  utmost  sincerity  I  do  not  think  myself  equal 
to  the  command  I  am  honored  with."  His  commission 
was  signed  on  the  19th  of  June ;  on  the  21st  he  was  on 
the  road  to  the  north — the  road  he  had  travelled  twenty 
years  ago  to  consult  with  Governor  Shirley  in  Boston 
upon  questions  of  rank,  and  to  fall  into  Mary  Philipse's 
snare  by  the  way ;  the  road  he  had  ridden  after  the 
races,  but  three  years  ago,  to  put  Jacky  Custis  at  college 
in  New  York.  "  There  is  something  charming  to  me 
in' the  conduct  of  Washington,"  exclaimed  John  Adams; 
and  it  was  wholesome  for  the  whole  country  that  such 
a  man  should  be  put  at  the  head  of  affairs.  Many  ig 
noble  things  were  being  done  in  the  name  of  liberty, 


PILOTING  A  REVOLUTION  175 

and  an  ugly  tyranny  had  been  brought  to  every  man's 
door — "  the  tyranny  of  his  next-door  neighbor."  There 
were  men  by  the  score  in  the  colonies  who  had  no  taste 
or  sympathy  for  the  rebellion  they  now  saw  afoot- 
common  men  who  knew  little  or  nothing  of  the  mother- 
country,  as  well  as  gentlemen  of  culture  who  loved  her 
traditions  and  revered  her  crown ;  farmers  and  village 
lawyers,  as  well  as  merchants  at  the  ports  who  saw 
their  living  gone  and  ruin  staring  them  in  the  face. 
But  the  local  committees  and  the  "  Sons  of  Liberty " 
everywhere  saw  to  it  that  such  men  should  know  and 
dread  and  fearfully  submit  to  the  views  of  the  majority. 
Government  was  suspended:  there  was  nowhere  so 
much  as  a  justice  of  the  peace  acting  under  the  authority 
of  the  crown.  There  might  have  been  universal  license 
had  the  rabble  not  seen  their  leaders  so  noble,  so  bent 
upon  high  and  honorable  purposes.  It  was  an  object- 
lesson  in  the  character  of  the  revolution  to  see  Wash 
ington  ride  through  the  colonies  to  take  charge  of  an 
insurgent  army.  And  no  man  or  woman,  or  child  even, 
was  likely  to  miss  the  lesson.  That  noble  figure  drew 
all  eyes  to  it ;  that  mien  as  if  the  man  were  a  prince ;  that 
sincere  and  open  countenance,  which  every  man  could  see 
was  lighted  by  a  good  conscience ;  that  cordial  ease  in 
salute,  as  of  a  man  who  felt  himself  brother  to  his  friends. 
There  was  something  about  Washington  that  quickened 
the  pulses  of  a  crowd  at  the  same  time  that  it  awed  them, 
that  drew  cheers  which  were  a  sort  of  voice  of  worship. 
Children  desired  sight  of  him,  and  men  felt  lifted  after 
he  had  passed.  It  was  good  to  have  such  a  man  ride  all 
the  open  way  from  Philadelphia  to  Cambridge  in  sight 
of  the  people  to  assume  command  of  the  people's  army. 
It  gave  character  to  the  thoughts  of  all  who  saw  him. 


GENEKAL   WASHINGTON 


CHAPTER  VII 

MATTERS  had  not  stood  still  before  Boston  to  await  a 
commander  sent  by  congress.  "While  Washington  waited 
for  his  commission  and  made  ready  for  his  journey 
there  had  been  fighting  done  which  was  to  simplify  his 
task.  General  William  Howe  had  reached  Boston  with 
reinforcements  on  the  25th  of  May,  and  quite  ten  thou 
sand  troops  held  the  city,  while  a  strong  fleet  of  men- 
of-war  lay  watchfully  in  the  harbor.  There  was  no 
hurry,  it  seemed,  about  attacking  the  sixteen  thousand 
raw  provincials,  whose  long  lines  were  drawn  loosely 
about  the  town  from  Charlestown  Neck  to  Jamaica  Plain. 
But  commanding  hills  looked  across  the  water  on  either 
hand — in  Charlestown  on  the  north  and  in  Dorchester 
on  the  southeast — and  it  would  be  well,  Howe  saw,  to 
secure  them,  lest  they  should  be  occupied  by  the  insur 
gents.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  June,  however, 
while  leisurely  preparations  were  a-making  in  Boston 
to  occupy  the  hills  of  Charlestown,  it  was  discovered 
that  the  provincials  had  been  beforehand  in  the  project. 
There  they  were  in  the  clear  sun,  working  diligently  at 
redoubts  of  their  own  upon  th  e  height.  Three  thousand 
men  were  put  across  the  water  to  drive  them  off. 
Though  they  mustered  only  seventeen  hundred  behind 
their  unfinished  works,  three  several  assaults  and  the 
loss  of  a  thousand  men  was  the  cost  of  dislodging  them. 


180  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

They  withheld  their  fire  till  the  redcoats  were  within 
fifty — nay,  thirty — yards  of  them,  and  then  poured  out 
a  deadly, blazing  fire  which  no  man  could  face  and  live. 
They  were  ousted  only  when  they  failed  of  powder  and 
despaired  of  reinforcements.  Veteran  officers  who  had 
led  the  assault  declared  the  regulars  of  France  were  not 
more  formidable  than  these  militia-men,  whom  they  had 
despised  as  raw  peasants.  There  was  no  desire  to  buy 
another  American  position  at  that  price ;  and  Washing 
ton  ha,d  time  enough  for  the  complimentary  receptions 
and  addresses  and  the  elaborate  parade  of  escort  and 
review  that  delayed  his  journey  to  headquarters. 

He  reached  Cambridge  on  the  2d  of  July,  and  bore 
himself  with  so  straightforward  and  engaging  a  courte 
sy  in  taking  command  that  the  officers  he  superseded 
could  not  but  like  him :  jealousy  was  disarmed. '  But 
he  found  neither  the  preparations  nor  the  spirit  of  the 
army  to  his  liking.  His  soldierly  sense  of  order  was 
shocked  by  the  loose  discipline,  and  his  instinct  of  com 
mand  by  the  free  and  easy  insolence  of  that  irregular 
levy ;  and  his  authority  grew  stern  as  he  labored  to 
bring  the  motley  host  to  order  and  effective  organiza 
tion.  "  The  people  of  this  government  have  obtained  a 
character,"  his  confidential  letters  declared,  "  which  they 
by  no  means  deserved — their  officers,  generally  speak 
ing,  are  the  most  indifferent  kind  of  people  I  ever  saw. 
I  dare  say  the  men  would  fight  very  well  (if  properly 
officered),  although  they  are  an  exceedingly  dirty  and 
nasty  people.  ...  It  is  among  the  most  difficult  tasks 
I  ever  undertook  in  my  life  to  induce  these  people  to 
believe  that  there  is,  or  can  be,  danger  till  the  bayonet 
is  pushed  at  their  breasts.  Not  that  it  proceeds  from 
any  uncommon  prowess,  but  rather  from  an  unaccounta- 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  181 

ble  kind  of  stupidity  in  the  lower  class  of  these  people, 
which,  believe  me,  prevails  but  too  generally  among  the 
officers  of  the  Massachusetts  part  of  the  army,  who  are 
nearly  of  the  same  kidney  with  the  privates."  He  had 
seen  like  demoralization  and  slackness  in  the  old  days  at 
Winchester,  on  the  wild  frontier,  but  he  had  expected 
to  find  a  better  spirit  and  discipline  in  the  New  England 
levies. 

His  first  disgust,  however,  soon  wore  off.  He  was 
not  slow  to  see  how  shrewd  and  sturdy  these  uncouth, 
intractable  ploughboys  and  farmers  could  prove  them 
selves  upon  occasion.  "I  have  a  sincere  pleasure  in 
observing,"  he  wrote  to  congress,  "  that  there  are 
materials  for  a  good  army,  a  great  number  of  able- 
bodied  men,  active,  zealous  in  the  cause,  and  of  unques 
tionable  courage."  There  was  time  enough  and  to 
spare  in  which  to  learn  his  army's  quality.  "  Our  lines 
of  defence  are  now  completed,"  he  could  tell  Lund 
Washington  on  the  20th  of  August,  "  as  near  so  at  least 
as  can  be — we  now  wish  them  to  come  out  as  soon  as 
they  please ;  but  they  discover  no  inclination  to  quit 
their  own  works  of  defence ;  and  as  it  is  almost  im 
possible  for  us  to  get  at  them,  we  do  nothing  but  watch 
each  other's  motions  all  day  at  the  distance  of  about  a 
mile."  He  could  even  turn  away  from  military  affairs 
to  advise  that  "  spinning  should  go  forward  with  all 
possible  despatch  "  on  the  estate  at  home,  and  to  say, 
"  I  much  approve  of  your  sowing  wheat  in  clean  ground, 
although  you  should  be  late  in  doing  it."  Once  more 
he  settled  to  the  old  familiar  work,  this  time  upon  a 
great  scale,  of  carrying  a  difficult  enterprise  forward  by 
correspondence.  Letters  to  the  Continental  Congress 
at  Philadelphia,  letters  to  the  provincial  congresses  of 


182  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

the  New  England  colonies,  letters  to  subordinate  (some 
times  insubordinate)  officers  at  distant  posts,  letters  to 
intimate  friends  and  influential  men  everywhere,  setting 
forth  the  needs  and  situation  of  the  army,  advising 
measures  of  organization,  supply,  and  defence,  pointing 
out  means  that  might  be  used  and  mistakes  that  must 
be  avoided,  commanding,  dissuading,  guiding,  forecast 
ing,  poured  steadily  forth  from  those  busy  headquarters, 
where  the  commander-in-chief  was  always  to  be  found, 
intent,  deeply  employed,  calmly  imperative,  never  tir 
ing,  never  hesitating,  never  storming,  a  leader  and  mas 
ter  of  men  and  affairs.  He  was  in  his  prime,  and  all 
the  forty-three  years  of  his  strenuous  life  he  had  been 
at  school  to  learn  how  such  a  task  as  this  was  to  be 
performed.  He  had  found  the  army  not  only  without 
proper  discipline  and  equipment,  but  actually  without 
powder;  and  the  winter  had  come  and  was  passing 
away  before  even  that  primary-  and  perilous  need  could 
be  supplied.  The  men  of  that  extemporized  army  had 
been  enlisted  but  for  a  few  months'  service.  When 
their  brief  terms  of  enlistment  ran  out  they  inconti 
nently  took  themselves  off;  and  Washington's  most 
earnest  appeals  to  the  continental  and  provincial  con 
gresses  to  provide  for  longer  enlistments  and  an  adequate 
system  of  recruitment  did  not  always  suffice  to  prevent 
his  force  from  perilously  dwindling  away  under  his  very 
eyes.  It  was  a  merciful  providence  that  disposed  the 
British  to  lie  quiet  in  Boston. 

Such  authority  as  he  had,  Washington  used  to  the  ut 
most,  and  with  a  diligence  and  foresight  which  showed 
all  his  old  policy  of  Thorough.  Under  his  orders  a  few 
fast  vessels  were  fitted  out  and  armed  as  privateers  at 
the  nearest  safe  ports.  Marblehead  volunteers  in  the 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  183 

army  were  put  aboard  them  for  crews,  and  the  enemy's 
supplies  were  captured  upon  the  seas  and  brought  over 
land — the  much-needed  powder  and  all — into  the  Amer 
ican  camp,  while  men-of-war  which  might  have  swept 
the  coast  lay  just  at  hand  in  the  harbor.  No  opportu 
nity  was  missed  either  to  disturb  the  British  or  to  get 
what  the  army  needed ;  and  the  ministers  at  home,  as 
well  as  the  commanders  in  Boston,  grew  uneasy  and 
apprehensive  in  the  presence  of  so  active  and  watchful 
an  opponent.  He  was  playing  the  game  boldly,  even  a 
bit  desperately  at  times.  More  than  once,  as  the  slow 
months  of  siege  dragged  by,  he  would  have  hazarded  a 
surprise  and  sought  to  take  the  city  by  storm,  had  not 
the  counsel  of  his  officers  persistently  restrained  him. 

Only  in  the  north  was  there  such  fighting  as  he  wished 
to  see.  Montgomery  had  pushed  through  the  forests  and 
taken  Montreal  (November  12th,  1775).  At  the  same 
time  Washington  had  sent  a  force  of  some  twelve  hun 
dred  men,  under  Benedict  Arnold,  to  see  what  could  be 
done  against  the  little  garrison  at  Quebec.  The  journey 
had  cost  Arnold  four  hundred  men ;  but  with  what  he 
had  left  he  had  climbed  straight  to  the  Heights  of  Abra 
ham  and  summoned  the  British  at  their  gates.  When 
they  would  neither  surrender  nor  fight,  he  had  sat 
down  to  wait  for  Montgomery ;  and  when  he  came,  with 
barely  five  hundred  men,  had  stormed  the  stout  de 
fences,  in  a  driving  snow-storm,  in  the  black  darkness 
that  came  just  before  the  morning  on  the  last  day  of 
the  year.  Had  Montgomery  not  been  killed  in  the  as 
sault,  the  surprise  would  have  succeeded ;  and  Arnold 
had  no  cause  to  be  ashamed  of  the  gallant  affair.  Fail 
ure  though  it  was,  it  heartened  the  troops  before  Boston 
to  think  what  might  be  done  under  such  officers. 


184  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

The  monotony  of  the  long,  anxious  season  was  broken 
at  Cambridge  by  a  touch  now  and  again  of  such  pleas 
ures  as  spoke  of  home  and  gracious  peace.  In  midwin 
ter  Mrs.  Washington  had  driven  into  camp,  come  all  the 
way  from  Virginia,  with  proper  escort,  in  her  coach  and 
four,  her  horses  bestridden  by  black  postilions  in  their 
livery  of  scarlet  and  white ;  and  she  had  seemed  to  bring 
with  her  to  the  homely  place  not  only  the  ceremoni 
ous  habit,  but  the  genial  and  hospitable  air  of  Virginia 
as  well.  Many  a  quiet  entertainment  at  headquarters 
coaxed  a  little  ease  of  mind  out  of  the  midst  of  even 
that  grim  and  trying  winter's  work  while  she  was  there. 

With  the  first  month  of  spring  Washington  deter 
mined  to  cut  inaction  short  and  make  a  decisive  stroke. 
He  had  been  long  enough  with  the  army  now  to  pre 
sume  upon  its  confidence  and  obedience,  though  he  fol 
lowed  his  own  counsels.  Siege  cannon  had  been  dragged 
through  the  unwilling  forests  all  the  way  from  Ticon- 
deroga;  the  supplies  and  the  time  had  come ;  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  5th  of  March,  1776,  the  British  stared 
to  see  ramparts  and  cannon  on  Dorchester  Heights. 
"  It  was  like  the  work  of  the  genii  of  Aladdin's  wonder 
ful  lamp,"  declared  one  of  their  astonished  officers. 
Why  they  had  themselves  neglected  to  occupy  the  hills 
of  Dorchester,  and  had  waited  so  patiently  till  Wash 
ington  should  have  time  and  such  guns  as  he  needed, 
was  a  question  much  pressed  at  home  in  England ;  and 
their  stupidity  was  rewarded  now.  They  had  suffered 
themselves  to  be  amused  all  night  by  a  furious  cannon 
ading  out  of  Roxbury,  Somerville,  and  East  Cambridge, 
while  two  thousand  men,  a  battery  of  heavy  ordnance, 
and  hundreds  of  wagons  and  ox-carts  with  timber,  bales 
of  hay,  spades,  crowbars,  hatchets,  hammers,  and  nails, 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  185 

had  been  gotten  safely  to  the  Dorchester  hills.  When 
they  saw  what  had  happened  they  thought  of  the  assault 
upon  Bunker's  Hill,  and  hesitated  what  to  do.  A  vio 
lent  storm  blew  up  while  they  waited,  rendering  an  at 
tack  across  the  water  impracticable,  and  when  the  calmer 
morning  of  the  6th  dawned  it  was  too  late ;.  the  Ameri 
can  position  was  too  strong.  Neither  the  town  nor  the 
harbor  could  safely  be  held  under  fire  from  Dorchester 
Heights.  There  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  evacuate  the 
place,  and  no  one  gainsaid  their  departure.  By  the  17th 
they  were  all  embarked,  eight  thousand  troops  and  nine 
hundred  loyalist  citizens  of  Boston,  and  had  set  sail 
towards  the  north  for  Halifax.  They  were  obliged  to 
leave  behind  them  more  than  two  hundred  cannon  and 
a  great  quantity  of  military  stores  of  every  kind — pow 
der,  muskets,  gun-carriages,  small-arms  —  whatever  an 
army  might  need.  When  Washington  established  him 
self  in  General  Howe's  headquarters,  in  Mrs.  Edwards's 
comfortable  lodging-house  at  the  head  of  State  Street, 
he  could  congratulate  himself  not  only  on  a  surprising 
victory  brilliantly  won,  but  on  the  possession,  besides, 
of  more  powder  and  better  stores  and  equipments  than 
he  could  have  dreamed  of  in  his  camp  at  Cambridge. 
He  caught  up  his  landlady's  little  granddaughter  one 
day,  set  her  on  his  knee,  as  he  liked  to  do,  and  asked 
her,  smiling,  which  she  liked  the  better,  the  redcoats  or 
the  provincials. 

"  The  redcoats,"  said  the  child. 

"  Ah,  my  dear,"  said  the  young  general,  a  blithe  light 
in  his  blue  eyes,  "  they  look  better,  but  they  don't  fight. 
The  ragged  fellows  are  the  boys  for  fighting." 

But  he  did  not  linger  at  Boston.  He  knew  that  its 
capture  did  not  end,  but  only  deepened,  the  struggle. 


186  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

Keinforcements  would  be  poured  out  of  England  with 
the  spring,  and  the  next  point  of  attack  would  unques 
tionably  be  New  York,  the  key  to  the  Hudson.  Here 
again  was  a  city  flanked  about  on  either  hand  by  water, 
and  commanded  by  heights — the  heights  of  Brooklyn. 
A  garrison  must  be  left  in  Boston,  and  New  York  must 
be  held  for  the  most  part  by  a  new  levy,  as  raw,  as  ill 
organized  and  equipped,  as  factious,  as  uncertain  in  ca 
pacity  and  purpose,  as  that  which  had  awaited  his  dis 
cipline  and  guidance  before  Boston.  It  was  an  army 
always  a-making  and  to  be  made.  The  sea.  was  open, 
moreover.  The  British  could  enter  the  great  harbor 
when  they  pleased.  The  insurgents  had  no  naval  force 
whatever  with  which  to  withstand  them  on  the  water. 
There  were  a  score  of  points  to  be  defended  which  were 
yet  without  defence  on  the  long  island  where  the  town 
lay,  and  round  about  the  spreading  arms  of  the  sea  that 
enclosed  it ;  and  there  were  but  eighteen  thousand  mili 
tia-men  mustered  for  the  formidable  task,  in  the  midst 
of  an  active  loyalist  population.  The  thing  must  be 
attempted,  nevertheless.  The  command  of  the  Hudson 
would  very  likely  turn  out  to  be  the  command  of  the 
continent,  and  the  struggle  was  now  to  be  to  the  death. 
It  was  too  late  to  draw  back.  The  royal  authority 
had,  in  fact,  been  everywhere  openly  thrown  off,  even 
in  the  middle  colonies,  where  allegiance  and  opinion 
hung  still  at  so  doubtful  a  balance.  For  Washington 
the  whole  situation  must  have  seemed  to  be  summed  up 
in  what  had  taken  place  in  his  own  colony  at  home. 
Dunmore,  when  he  fled  to  the  men-of-war  in  the  bay, 
had  called  upon  all  who  were  loyal  to  follow  him ;  had 
even  offered  freedom  to  all  slaves  and  servants  who 
would  enlist  in  the  force  he  should  collect  for  the  pur- 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  187 

pose  of  "reducing  the  colony  to  a  proper  sense  of  its 
duty."  Unable  to  do  more,  he  had  ravaged  the  coasts 
on  either  hand  upon  the  Bay,  and  had  put  men  ashore 
within  the  rivers  to  raid  and  burn,  making  Norfolk,  with 
its  loyalist  merchants,  his  headquarters  and  rendezvous. 
Driven  thence  by  the  provincial  militia,  he  had  utterly 
destroyed  the  town  by  fire,  and  was  now  refuged  upon 
Gwynn's  Island,  striking  when  he  could,  as  before,  at 
the  unprotected  hamlets  and  plantations  that  looked 
everywhere  out  upon  the  water.  Virginia's  only  execu 
tive,  these  nine  months  and  more,  had  been  her  Com 
mittee  of  Safety,  of  which  Edmund  Pendleton  was  pres 
ident. 

Washington  had  hardly  begun  his  work  of  organiza 
tion  and  defence  at  New  York  before  North  Carolina 
(April  12th,  1776)  authorized  her  delegates  in  the  con 
gress  at  Philadelphia  to  join  in  a  declaration  of  indepen 
dence  ;  and  the  next  month  (May  15th)  the  congress  ad 
vised  the  colonies  to  give  over  all  show  and  pretence  of 
waiting  for  or  desiring  peace  or  accommodation:  to  form 
complete  and  independent  governments  of  their  own, 
and  so  put  an  end  to  "  the  exercise  of  every  kind  of  au 
thority  under  the  crown."  The  next  step  was  a  joint 
Declaration  of  Independence,  upon  a  motion  made  in 
congress  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  in  eager  obedience  to 
the  express  bidding  of  a  convention  met  in  the  hall  of 
the  Burgesses  at  Williamsburg  to  frame  a  constitution 
for  Virginia.  His  motion  was  adopted  by  the  votes  of 
every  colony  except  New  York.  It  was  a  bitter  thing 
to  many  a  loyal  man  in  the  colonies  to  see  such  things 
done,  and  peace  rendered  impossible.  Not  even  those 
who  counted  themselves  among  the  warmest  friends  of 
the  colonial  cause  were  agreed  that  it  was  wise  thus  to 


188  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

throw  off  one  government  before  another  was  put  in  its 
place — while  there  was  as  yet  no  better  guidance  in  that 
distracted  time  than  might  be  had  from  a  body  of  gen 
tlemen  in  Philadelphia  who  possessed  no  power  but  to 
advise.  But  the  radicals  were  in  the  saddle.  Washing 
ton  himself  came  down  from  New  York  to  urge  that  the 
step  be  taken.  He  deemed  such  radicalism  wise  ;  for  he 
wished  to  see  compromise  abandoned,  and  all  minds  set 
as  sternly  as  his  own  in  the  resolve  to  fight  the  fight 
out  to  the  bitter  end.  "  I  have  never  entertained  an 
idea  of  an  accommodation,"  he  said,  "  since  I  heard  of 
the  measures  which  were  adopted  in  consequence  of  the 
Bunker's  Hill  fight ";  and  his  will  hardened  to  the  con 
test  after  the  fashion  that  had  always  been  characteris 
tic  of  him  when  once  the  heat  of  action  was  upon  him. 
He  grew  stern,  and  spoke  sometimes  with  a  touch  of 
harshness,  in  the  presence  of  his  difficulties  at  New 
York;  because  he  knew  that  they  were  made  for  him  in 
no  small  part  by  Americans  who  were  in  the  British  in 
terest,  and  whom  he  scorned  even  while  scrupulous  to 
be  just  in  what  he  did  to  thwart  and  master  them.  "  It 
requires  more  serenity  of  temper,  a  deeper  understand 
ing,  and  more  courage  than  fell  to  the  lot  of  Mar] bor 
ough  to  ride  in  this  whirlwind,"  said  John  Adams ;  and 
the  young  commander-in-chief  had  them  all.  But  his 
quiet  was  often  that  of  a  metal  at  white  heat,  and  he 
kindled  a  great  fire  with  what  he  touched. 

No  strength  of  will,  however,  could  suffice  to  hold 
New  York  and  its  open  harbor  against  a  powerful  ene 
my  with  such  troops  as  Washington  could  drill  and 
make  between  April  and  July.  On  the  28th  of  June 
British  transports  began  to  gather  in  the  lower  bay. 
Within  a  few  days  they  had  brought  thirty  thousand 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  189 

men,  armed  and  equipped  as  no  other  army  had  ever 
been  in  America.  It  was  impossible  to  prevent  their 
landing,  and  they  were  allowed  to  take  possession  of 
Staten  Island  unopposed.  Men-of-war  passed  untouched 
through  the  Narrows,  and  made  their  way  at  will  up  the 
broad  Hudson,  unhurt  by  the  batteries  upon  either  shore. 
General  Howe  remembered  Dorchester  and  Charlestown 
Heights,  and  directed  his  first  movement  against  Wash 
ington's  intrenched  position  on  the  hills  of  Brooklyn, 
where  quite  half  the  American  army  lay.  For  a  little 
space  he  waited,  till  his  brother,  Admiral  Lord  Howe, 
should  come  to  act  with  him  in  negotiation  and  com 
mand.  Lord  Howe  was  authorized  to  offer  pardon  for 
submission,  and  very  honorably  used  a  month  and  more 
of  good  fighting  time  in  learning  that  the  colonists  had 
no  desire  to  be  pardoned.  "  No  doubt  we  all  need  par 
don  from  Heaven  for  our  manifold  sins  and  transgres 
sions,"  was  Governor  Trumbull's  Connecticut  version  of 
the  general  feeling,  "  but  the  American  who  needs  the 
pardon  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  is  yet  to  be  found." 
On  the  22d  of  August,  accordingly,  General  Howe  put 
twenty  thousand  men  ashore  at  Gravesend  Bay.  On 
the  27th,  his  arrangements  for  an  overwhelming  attack 
succeeding  at  every  point,  he  drove  the  five  thousand 
Americans  thrown  out  to  oppose  him  back  into  their 
works  upon  the  heights,  with  a  loss  of  four  hundred 
killed  and  wounded  and  a  thousand  taken.  Still  mind 
ful  of  Bunker's  Hill,  he  would  not  storm  the  intrench- 
ments,  to  which  Washington  himself  had  brought  rein 
forcements  which  swelled  his  strength  upon  the  heights 
to  ten  thousand.  He  determined,  instead,  to  draw  lines 
of  siege  about  them,  and  at  his  leisure  take  army,  posi 
tion,  stores,  and  all.  Washington,  seeing  at  once  what 


190  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Howe  intended,  and  how  possible  it  was,  decided  to 
withdraw  immediately,  before  a  fleet  should  be  in  the 
river  and  his  retreat  cut  off.  It  was  a  masterly  piece  of 
work.  The  British  commander  was  as  much  astounded 
to  see  Brooklyn  Heights  empty  on  the  morning  of  Au 
gust  30th  as  he  had  been  to  see  Dorchester  Heights  oc 
cupied  that  memorable  morning  six  months  before. 
Washington  had  taken  ten  thousand  men  across  that 
broad  river,  with  all  their  stores  and  arms,  in  a  single 
night,  while  a  small  guard  kept  up  a  sharp  fire  from  the 
breastworks,  and  no  sound  of  the  retreat  reached  the 
dull  ears  of  the  British  sentries. 

But  the  sharp  fighting  and  bitter  defeat  of  the  27th  had 
sadly,  even  shamefully,  demoralized  Washington's  raw 
troops,  and  he  knew  he  must  withdraw  from  New  York. 
All  through  September  and  a  part  of  October  he  held 
what  he  could  of  the  island,  fighting  for  it  almost  mile 
by  mile  as  he  withdrew — now  cut  to  the  quick  and 
aflame  with  almost  uncontrollable  anger  to  see  what 
cowards  his  men  could  be ;  again  heartened  to  see  them 
stand  and  hold  their  ground  like  men,  even  in  the  open. 
The  most  that  he  could  do  was  to  check  and  thwart  the 
powerful  army  pressing  steadily  upon  his  front  and  the 
free  fleet  threatening  his  flanks.  He  repulsed  the  ene 
my  at  Harlem  Heights  (September  16th) ;  he  kept  his 
ground  before  them  at  White  Plains,  despite  the  loss  of 
an  outpost  at  Chatterton  Hill  (October  28th) ;  he  might 
possibly  have  foiled  and  harassed  them  the  winter 
through  had  not  General  Greene  suffered  a  garrison  of 
three  thousand  of  the  best-trained  men  in  the  army  to 
be  penned  up  and  taken,  with  a  great  store  of  artillery 
and  small-arms  besides,  in  Fort  Washington,  on  the  isl 
and  (November  16th).  After  such  a  blow  there  was 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  191 

nothing  for  it  but  to  abandon  the  Hudson  and  retreat 
through  New  Jersey.  His  generals  growing  insubordi 
nate,  Washington  could  not  even  collect  his  divisions  and 
unite  his  forces  in  retreat.  His  men  deserted  by  the 
score;  whole  companies  took  their  way  homeward  as 
their  terms  of  enlistment  expired  with  the  closing  of  the 
year ;  barely  three  thousand  men  remained  with  him  by 
the  time  he  had  reached  Princeton.  Congress,  in  its 
fright,  removed  to  Baltimore ;  hundreds  of  persons  hur 
ried  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  upon  Howe's  offer  of 
pardon ;  and  the  British  commanders  deemed  the  rebel 
lion  at  an  end. 

They  did  not  understand  the  man  they  were  fighting. 
When  he  had  put  the  broad  Delaware  between  his 
dwindling  regiments  and  the  British  at  his  heels,  he 
stopped,  undaunted,  to  collect  force  and  give  his  oppo 
nents  a  taste  of  his  quality.  Such  an  exigency  only  stif 
fened  his  temper,  and  added  a  touch  of  daring  to  his 
spirit.  Charles  Lee,  his  second  in  command,  hoping  to 
make  some  stroke  for  himself  upon  the  Hudson,  had 
withheld  full  half  the  army  in  a  safe  post  upon  the  river, 
in  direct  disobedience  to  orders,  while  the  British  drove 
Washington  southward  through  New  Jersey ;  but  Lee 
was  now  happily  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  taken  at  an 
unguarded  tavern  where  he  lodged,  and  most  of  the 
troops  he  had  withheld  found  their  way  at  last  to  Wash 
ington  beyond  the  Delaware.  Desperate  efforts  at  re 
cruiting  were  made.  Washington  strained  his  authority 
to  the  utmost  to  keep  and  equip  his  force,  and  excused 
himself  to  congress  very  nobly.  "  A  character  to  lose," 
he  said,  "  an  estate  to  forfeit,  the  inestimable  blessing  of 
liberty  at  stake,  and  a  life  devoted  must  be  my  excuse." 
What  he  planned  and  did  won  him  a  character  with  his 


192  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

foes.  Before  the  year  was  out  he  had  collected  six 
thousand  men,  and  was  ready  to  strike  a  blow  at  the 
weak,  extended  line — Hessian  mercenaries  for  the  most 
part — which  Howe  had  left  to  hold  the  Delaware. 

On  Christmas  Day  he  made  his  advance,  and  ordered 
a  crossing  to  be  made  in  three  divisions,  under  cover  of 
the  night.  Only  his  own  division,  twenty-five  hundred 
strong,  effected  the  passage.  'Twas  ten  hours'  perilous 
work  to  cross  the  storm-swept  river  in  the  pitchy  dark 
ness,  amidst  the  hazards  of  floating  ice,  but  not  a  man 
or  a  gun  was  lost.  There  was  a  nine  miles'  march 
through  driving  snow  and  sleet  after  the  landing  before 
Trenton  could  be  reached,  the  point  of  attack,  and  two 
men  were  frozen  to  death  as  they  went.  General  Sulli 
van  sent  word  that  the  guns  were  wet :  "  Tell  him  to 
use  the  bayonet,"  said  Washington,  "  for  the  town  must 
be  taken."  And  it  was  taken — in  the  early  morning,  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet,  with  a  loss  of  but  two  or  three 
men.  The  surprise  was  complete.  Colonel  Kahl,  the 
commander  of  the  place,  was  mortally  wounded  at  the 
first  onset,  and  nine  hundred  Hessians  surrendered  at 
discretion. 

When  he  had  gotten  his  prisoners  safe  on  the  south 
side  of  the  river,  Washington  once  more  advanced  to  oc 
cupy  the  town.  It  was  a  perilous  place  to  be,  no  doubt, 
with  the  great  unbridged  stream  behind  him ;  but  the 
enemy's  line  was  everywhere  broken,  now  that  its  cen 
tre  had  been  taken ;  had  been  withdrawn  from  the 
river  in  haste,  abandoning  its  cannon  even  and  its 
baggage  at  Burlington ;  and  Washington  calmly  dared 
to  play  the  game  he  had  planned.  It  was  not  Howe 
who  came  to  meet  him,  but  the  gallant  Cornwallis,  no 
mean  adversary,  bringing  eight  thousand  men.  Wash- 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  193 

ington  let  him  come  all  the  way  to  the  Delaware  with 
out  himself  stirring,  except  to  put  a  small  tributary 
stream  between  his  men  and  the  advancing  columns; 
and  the  confident  Englishman  went  to  bed  that  night 
exclaiming,  "  At  last  we  have  run  down  the  old  fox, 
and  we'll  bag  him  in  the  morning."  Then,  while  a 
small  force  kept  the  camp-fires  burning  and  worked 
audibly  at  the  ramparts  the  cold  night  through,  the 
fox  was  up  and  away.  He  put  the  whole  of  his  force 
upon  the  road  to  Princeton  and  New  Brunswick,  where 
he  knew  Cornwallis's  stores  must  be.  As  the  morning's 
light  broadened  into  day  (January  3d,  1777)  he  met  the 
British  detachment  at  Princeton  in  the  way,  and  drove 
it  back  in  decisive  rout,  a  keen  ardor  coming  into  his 
blood  as  he  saw  the  sharp  work  done.  "An  old-fash 
ioned  Virginia  fox-hunt,  gentlemen,"  he  exclaimed, 
shouting  the  view -halloo.  Had  his  troops  been  fresh 
and  properly  shod  to  outstrip  Cornwallis  at  their  heels, 
he  would  have  pressed  on  to  New  Brunswick  and  taken 
the  stores  there ;  but  he  had  done  all  that  could  be  done 
with  despatch,  and  withdrew  straight  to  the  heights 
of  Morristown.  Cornwallis  could  only  hasten  back  to 
New  York.  By  the  end  of  the  month  the  Americans 
were  everywhere  afoot ;  the  British  held  no  posts  in 
New  Jersey  but  Paulus  Hook,  Amboy,  and  New  Bruns 
wick  ;  and  Washington  had  issued  a  proclamation  com 
manding  all  who  had  accepted  General  Howe's  offer  of 
pardon  either  to  withdraw  within  the  British  lines  or 
to  take  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  Men 
loved  to  tell  afterwards  how  Frederick  the  Great  had 
said  that  it  was  the  most  brilliant  campaign  of  the  cen 
tury. 

Congress  took  steps  before  the  winter  was  over  to 

13 


194  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

secure  long  enlistments,  and  substitute  a  veritable  army 
for  the  three  months'  levies  with  which  Washington 
had  hitherto  been  struggling  to  make  shift.  After  the 
affair  at  Trenton,  Washington  had  been  obliged  to 
pledge  his  own  private  fortune  for  their  pay  to  induce 
the  men  whose  terms  of  enlistment  were  to  expire  on 
New  Year's  Day — more  than  half  his  force  —  to  stay 
with  him  but  a  few  weeks  more,  till  his  plan  should  be 
executed.  Now  he  was  authorized  to  raise  regiments 
enlisted  till  the  war  should  end,  and  to  exercise  almost 
dictatorial  powers  in  even7 thing  that  might  affect  the 
discipline,  provisioning,  and  success  of  his  army.  There 
was  need,  for  the  year  witnessed  fighting  of  tremendous 
consequence.  The  British  struck  for  nothing  less  than 
complete  possession  of  the  whole  State  of  New  York, 
throughout  the  valleys  of  the  Hudson  and  the  Mohawk. 
General  Howe,  who  had  above  twenty  thousand  men 
in  New  York  city,  was  to  move  up  the  Hudson ;  Gen 
eral  Burgoyne,  with  eight  thousand  men,  from  Canada 
down  Lake  Champlain ;  Colonel  St.  Leger,  with  a  small 
but  sufficient  force,  down  into  the  valley  of  the  Mo 
hawk,  striking  from  Oswego,  on  Ontario ;  and  the  col 
onies  were  to  be  cut  in  twain,  New  England  hopeless 
ly  separated  from  her  confederates,  by  the  converging 
sweep  of  three  armies,  aggregating  more  than  thirty- 
three  thousand  men.  But  only  the  coast  country,  it 
turned  out,  was  tenable  ground  for  British  troops.  Sir 
Guy  Carleton  had  attempted  Champlain  out  of  Canada 
the  year  before,  and  had  gone  back  to  Quebec  without 
touching  Ticonderoga,  so  disconcerted  had  he  been  by 
the  price  he  had  had  to  pay  for  his  passage  up  the  lake 
to  a  small  force  and  an  extemporized  fleet  under  Ben 
edict  Arnold.  This  time  Burgoyne,  with  his  splendid 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  195 

army,  made  short  work  of  Ticonderoga  (July,  1777), 
and  drove  General  Schuyler  and  his  army  back  to  their 
posts  beyond  the  Hudson ;  but  the  farther  he  got  from 
his  base  upon  the  lake  into  the  vast  forests  of  that  wide 
frontier,  the  more  certainly  did  he  approach  disaster. 
No  succor  came.  St.  Leger  was  baffled,  and  sent  in 
panic  back  the  way  he  had  come.  Howe  did  not  ascend 
the  river.  The  country  swarmed  with  gathering  mili 
tia.  They  would  not  volunteer  for  distant  campaigns ; 
but  this  invading  host,  marching  by  their  very  homes 
into  the  deep  forest,  roused  and  tempted  them  as  they 
had  been  roused  at  Concord,  and  they  gathered  at  its 
rear  and  upon  its  flanks  as  they  had  run  together  to  in 
vest  Boston.  A  thousand  men  Burgoyne  felt  obliged 
to  leave  in  garrison  at  Ticonderoga;  a  thousand  more, 
sent  to  Bennington  to  seize  the  stores  there,  were  over 
whelmed  and  taken  (August  16th).  Quite  twenty  thou 
sand  provincials  presently  beset  him,  and  he  had  but  six 
thousand  left  wherewith  to  save  himself.  He  crossed 
the  river,  for  he  still  expected  Howe ;  and  there  was 
stubborn  fighting  about  Saratoga  (September  19th,  Oc 
tober  7th),  in  which  Arnold  once  more  made  his  name 
in  battle.  But  the  odds  were  too  great;  Burgoyne's  sup 
plies  were  cut  off,  his  troops  beaten ;  there  was  nothing 
for  it  but  capitulation  (October  17th).  He  had  been 
trapped  and  taken  by  a  rising  of  the  country. 

Howe  had  not  succored  him,  partly  because  he  lacked 
judgment  and  capacity,  partly  because  Washington  had 
thwarted  him  at  every  turn.  From  his  position  at  Mor- 
ristown,  Washington  could  send  reinforcements  to  the 
north  or  recall  them  at  will,  without  serious  delay ;  and 
Howe,  in  his  hesitation,  gave  him  abundant  time  to  do 
what  he  would.  It  was  Sir  William's  purpose  to  occupy 


196  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

the  early  summer,  ere  Burgoyne  should  need  him,  in  an 
attack  on  Philadelphia.  On  the  12th  of  June,  accord 
ingly,  he  threw  a  force  of  eighteen  thousand  men  into 
New  Jersey.  But  Washington  foiled  him  at  each  at 
tempt  to  advance  by  hanging  always  upon  his  flank  in 
such  a  position  that  he  could  neither  be  safely  ignored 
nor  forced  to  fight;  and  the  prudent  Howe,  abandoning 
the  march,  withdrew  once  more  to  New  York.  But  he 
did  not  abandon  his  project  against  Philadelphia.  He 
deemed  it  the  "capital"  of  the  insurgent  confederacy, 
and  wished  to  discredit  congress  and  win  men  of  doubt 
ful  allegiance  to  his  standard  by  its  capture;  and  he 
reckoned  upon  some  advantage  in  drawing  Washington 
after  him  to  the  southward,  away  from  Burgoyne's  field 
of  operations  in  the  north.  Though  July  had  come, 
therefore,  and  Burgoyne  must  need  him  presently,  he 
put  his  eighteen  thousand  men  aboard  the  fleet  and 
carried  them  by  sea  to  the  Chesapeake.  Washington 
was  sorely  puzzled.  He  had  taken  it  for  granted 
that  Howe  would  go  north,  and  he  had  gone  south! 
"  Howe's  in  a  manner  abandoning  Burgoyne  is  so  un 
accountable,"  he  said,  "  that  I  cannot  help  casting  my 
eyes  continually  behind  me;"  and  he  followed  very 
cautiously,  ready  upon  the  moment  to  turn  back,  lest 
the  movement  should  prove  a  feint.  But  there  was  no 
mistake.  Howe  entered  the  Delaware,  and,  being  fright 
ened  thence  by  reports  of  obstructions  in  the  river,  went 
all  the  long  four  hundred  miles  about  the  capes  of 
Chesapeake,  and  put  his  army  ashore  at  Elkton  for  its 
advance  upon  Philadelphia.  It  was  then  the  25th  of 
August.  Washington  met  him  (September  llth)  behind 
the  fords  of  the  Brandywine,  and,  unable  to  check 
Cornwallis  on  his  flank,  was  defeated.  But  for  him 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  197 

defeat  was  never  rout:  his  army  was  still  intact  and 
steady ;  and  he  held  his  foe  yet  another  fortnight  on 
the  road  ere  the  "capital"  could  be  entered  (September 
27th).  Burgoyne  was  by  that  time  deep  within  the  net 
spread  for  him  at  Saratoga.  On  the  morning  of  the  4th 
of  October,  in  a  thick  mist,  Washington  threw  himself 
upon  Howe's  main  force  encamped  across  the  village 
street  of  German  town,  and  would  have  overwhelmed  it 
in  the  surprising  onset  had  not  two  of  his  own  columns 
gone  astray  in  the  fog,  attacked  each  other,  and  so  lost 
the  moment's  opportunity.  General  Howe  knew  very 
soon  how  barren  a  success  he  had  had.  The  end  of 
November  came  before  he  had  made  himself  master  of 
the  forts  upon  the  Delaware  below  the  "  capital "  and 
removed  the  obstructions  from  the  river  to  give  access 
to  his  fleet ;  the  British  power  was  broken  and  made  an 
end  of  in  the  north  ;  and  Washington  was  still  at  hand 
as  menacing  and  dangerous  as  ever.  Dr.  Franklin  was 
told  in  Paris  that  General  Howe  had  taken  Philadel 
phia.  "  Philadelphia  has  taken  Howe,"  he  laughed. 

Philadelphia  kept  Howe  safely  through  the  winter, 
and  his  officers  made  themselves  easy  amidst  a  round  of 
gayeties  in  the  complacent  town,  while  Washington 
went  to  Valley  Forge  to  face  the  hardships  and  the  in 
trigues  of  a  bitter  season.  A  deep  demoralization  fell 
that  winter,  like  a  blight,  upon  all  the  business  of  the 
struggling  confederacy.  The  congress,  in  its  exile  at 
York,  had  lost  its  tone  and  its  command  in  affairs.  It 
wrould  have  lost  it  as  completely  in  Philadelphia,  no 
doubt,  for  it  was  no  longer  the  body  it  had  been.  Its 
best  members  were  withdrawn  to  serve  their  respective 
states  in  the  critical  business,  now  everywhere  in  hand, 
of  reorganizing  their  governments  ;  and  it  itself  was  no 


198  •        GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

government  at  all,  but  simply  a  committee  of  advice, 
which  the  states  heeded  or  ignored  as  they  pleased. 
Oftentimes  but  ten  or  twelve  members  could  be  got  to 
gether  to  transact  its  business.  It  suffered  itself  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  intriguers  and  sectional  politicians. 
It  gave  commissions  in  the  army  not  according  to  merit, 
but  upon  a  plan  carefully  devised  to  advance  no  more 
officers  from  one  section  than  from  another — even  men 
like  John  Adams  approving.  Adams  denounced  claims 
of  seniority  and  service  as  involving  "  one  of  the  most 
putrid  corruptions  of  absolute  monarchy,"  and  suggest 
ed  that  the  officers  who  did  not  relish  the  idea  of  seeing 
the  several  states  given  "  a  share  of  the  general  officers," 
proportioned  to  the  number  of  troops  they  had  sent  to 
the  army,  had  better  take  themselves  off,  and  see  how 
little  they  would  be  missed.  Worst  of  all,  an  ugly  plot 
was  hatched  to  displace  Washington ;  and  the  various 
distempers  of  different  men  for  a  brief  season  gave  it  a 
chance  to  succeed.  Some  were  impatient  of  Washing 
ton's  "  Fabian  policy,"  as  they  called  it,  and  would  have 
had  him  annihilate,  instead  of  merely  checking,  these 
invading  hosts.  "  My  toast,"  cried  John  Adams,  "  is  a 
short  and  violent  war."  Others  envied  Washington  his 
power  and  his  growing  fame,  resented  their  own  subor 
dination  and  his  supremacy,  and  intrigued  to  put  Gen 
eral  Gates  in  his  place.  Had  not  Gates  won  at  Sara 
toga,  and  Washington  lost  at  the  Brandywine  and  at 
Germantown?  Schuyler  had  prepared  the  victory  in 
the  north ;  Arnold  and  Morgan  had  done  the  fighting 
that  secured  it ;  but  Gates  had  obtained  the  command 
when  all  was  ready,  and  was  willing  to  receive  the  re 
ward.  With  a  political  committee-congress  in  charge  of 
affairs,  nothing  was  impossible. 


§   1 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  199 

Washington  and  his  array  were  starving  the  while 
at  Valley  Forge,  in  desperate  straits  to  get  anything 
to  eat  or  anything  to  cover  them  in  that  bitter  season — 
not  because  there  were  no  supplies,  but  because  congress 
had  disorganized  the  commissary  department,  and  the 
supplies  seldom  reached  the  camp.  The  country  had 
not  been  too  heavily  stricken  by  the  war.  Abundant 
crops  were  everywhere  sown  and  peacefully  reaped,  and 
there  were  men  enough  to  do  the  work  of  seed-time  and 
harvest.  It  was  only  the  army  that  was  suffering  for 
lack  of  food  and  lack  of  men.  The  naked  fact  was  that 
the  confederacy  was  falling  apart  for  lack  of  a  govern 
ment.  Local  selfishness  had  overmastered  national  feel 
ing,  and  only  a  few  men  like  Washington  held  the 
breaking  structure  together.  Washington's  steadfast 
ness  was  never  shaken ;  and  Mrs.  Washington,  stanch 
lady  that  she  wa*s,  joined  him  even  at  Valley  Forge. 
The  intrigue  against  him  he  watched  in  stern  silence 
till  it  was  ripe  and  evident,  then  he  crushed  it  with 
sudden  exposure,  and  turned  away  in  contempt,  hardly 
so  much  as  mentioning  it  in  his  letters  to  his  'friends. 
"  Their  own  artless  zeal  to  advance  their  views  has 
destroyed  them,"  he  said.  His  soldiers  he  succored  and 
supplied  as  he  could,  himself  sharing  their  privations, 
and  earning  their  love  as  he  served  them.  "  Naked  and 
starving  as  they  are,"  he  wrote,  "  we  cannot  sufficiently 
admire  the  incomparable  patience  and  fidelity  of  the 
soldiers."  And  even  out  of  that  grievous  winter  some 
profit  was  wrung.  Handsome  sums  of  French  money 
had  begun  of  late  to  come  slowly  into  the  confederate 
treasury — for  France,  for  the  nonce,  was  quick  with 
sympathy  for  America,  and  glad  to  lend  secret  aid 
against  an  old  foe.  Presently,  she  promised,  she  would 


200  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

recognize  the  independence  of  the  United  States,  and 
herself  grapple  once  more  with  England.  Meanwhile 
French,  German,  and  Polish  officers  hurried  over  sea 
to  serve  as  volunteers  with  the  raw  armies  of  the  con 
federacy —  adventurers,  some  of  them;  others  sober 
veterans,  gentlemen  of  fortune,  men  of  generous  and 
noble  quality— among  the  rest  the  boyish  Lafayette 
and  the  distinguished  Steuben.  Baron  von  Steuben 
had  won  himself  a  place  on  the  great  Frederick's  staff 
in  the  Seven  Years'  War,  and  was  of  that  studious  race 
of  soldiers  the  world  was  presently  to  learn  to  fear.  He 
joined  Washington  at  Valley  Forge,  and  turned  the 
desolate  camp  into  a  training-school  of  arms,  teaching, 
what  these  troops  had  never  known  before,  promptness 
and  precision  in  the  manual  of  arms,  in  massed  and 
ordered  movement,  in  the  use  of  the  bayonet,  the  drill 
and  mastery  of  the  charge  and  of  the  open  field.  Nei 
ther  Washington  nor  any  of  his  officers  had  known  how 
to  give  this  training.  The  commander-in-chief  had  not 
even  had  a  properly  organized  staff  till  this  schooled 
and  thorough  German  supplied  it,  and  he  was  valued 
in  the  camp  as  he  deserved.  "  You  say  to  your  soldier, 
4  Do  this,'  and  he  doeth  it,"  he  wrote  to  an  old  comrade 
in  Prussia ;  "  I  am  obliged  to  say  to  mine,  '  This  is  the 
reason  why  you  ought  to  do  that,'  and  then  he  does 
it."  But  he  learned  to  like  and  to  admire  his  new  com 
rades  soon  enough  when  he  found  what  spirit  and 
capacity  there  was  in  them  for  the  field  of  action. 

The  army  came  out  of  its  dismal  winter  quarters 
stronger  than  it  had  ever  been  before,  alike  in  spirit 
and  in  discipline ;  more  devoted  to  its  commander  than 
ever,  and  more  fit  to  serve  him.  At  last  the  change  to 
a  system  of  long  enlistments  had  transformed  it  from 


WASHINGTON    AND   STEUBEN    AT   VALLEY  FORGE 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  201 

a  levy  of  militia  into  an  army  steadied  by  service,  un 
afraid  of  the  field.  The  year  opened,v  besides,  with  a 
new  hope  and  a  new  confidence.  They  were  no  longer 
a  body  of  insurgents  even  to  the  eye  of  Europe.  News 
came  to  the  camp  late  in  the  night  of  the  4th  of  May 
(1778)  that  France  had  entered  into  open  alliance  with 
the  United  States,  and  would  send  fleets  and  an  army 
to  aid  in  securing  their  independence.  Such  an  alliance 
changed  the  whole  face  of  affairs.  England  would  no 
longer  have  the  undisputed  freedom  of  the  seas,  and 
the  conquest  of  her  colonies  in  America  might  turn  out 
the  least  part  of  her  task  in  the  presence  of  European 
enemies.  She  now  knew  the  full  significance  of  Sara 
toga  and  Germantown.  Washington's  splendid  audac- 
itv  and  extraordinarv  command  of  his  resources  in 

«/  t/ 

throwing  himself  upon  his  victorious  antagonist  at  Ger 
mantown  as  the  closing  move  of  a  long  retreat  had 
touched  the  imagination  and  won  the  confidence  of  for 
eign  soldiers  and  statesmen  hardly  less  than  the  taking 
of  Burgoyne  at  Saratoga.  Parliament  at  last  (Febru 
ary,  1778)  came  to  its  senses :  resolved  to  renounce  the 
right  to  tax  the  colonies,  except  for  the  regulation  of 
trade,  and  sent  commissioners  to  America  to  offer  such 
terms  for  submission.  But  it  was  too  late  ;  neither  con 
gress  nor  the  states  would  now  hear  of  anything  but 
independence. 

With  a  French  fleet  about  to  take  the  sea,  it  was 
necessary  that  the  British  commanders  in  America 
should  concentrate  their  forces.  Philadelphia,  they  had 
at  last  found  out,  was  a  burden,  not  a  prize.  It  had 
no  strategic  advantage  of  position ;  was  hard  to  defend, 
and  harder  to  provision  ;  was  too  far  from  the  sea,  and 
not  far  enough  from  Washington's  open  lines  of  opera- 


202  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

tion.  Before  the  summer's  campaign  began,  Sir  Wil 
liam  Howe  resigned  his  command  and  bade  the  town 
good-bye,  amidst  elaborate  festivities  (May  18th,  1778). 
General  Clinton,  who  succeeded  him,  received  orders 
from  England  to  undo  Howe's  work  at  once,  abandon 
Philadelphia,  and  concentrate  his  forces  at  New  York. 
'Twas  easier  said  than  done.  There  were  not  transports 
enough  to  move  his  fifteen  thousand  men  by  sea ;  only 
the  three  thousand  loyalists  who  had  put  themselves 
under  his  protection  could  be  sent  in  the  ships,  with  a 
portion  of  his  stores ;  he  must  cross  the  hostile  country ; 
and  his  march  was  scarcely  begun  (June  18th)  before 
Washington  was  at  his  heels,  with  a  force  but  little 
inferior  to  his  own  either  in  numbers  or  in  discipline. 
He  might  never  have  reached  New  York  at  all  had 
not  Charles  Lee  been  once  more  second  in  command  in 
the  American  army.  He  had  come  out  of  captivity, 
exchanged,  and  now  proved  himself  the  insubordinate 
poltroon  he  was.  He  had  never  had  any  real  heart  in 
the  cause.  He  owned  estates  in  Virginia,  but  he  was 
not  of  the  great  Yirginian  family  of  the  North ern  Neck. 
He  was  only  a  soldier  of  fortune,  strayed  out  of  the 
British  service  on  half-pay  to  seek  some  profit  in  the 
colonies,  and  cared  for  no  interest  but  his  own.  While 
a  prisoner  he  had  secretly  directed  Howe's  movement 
against  Philadelphia,  and  now  he  was  to  consummate 
his  cowardly  treachery.  Washington  outstripped  his 
opponent  in  the  movement  upon  New  York,  and  deter 
mined  to  fall  upon  him  at  Mon mouth  Court  House, 
where,  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of  June,  Clinton's  divis 
ions  lay  separate,  offering  a  chance  to  cut  them  asun 
der.  On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  Lee  was  ordered 
forward  with  six  thousand  men  to  enfold  Clinton's  left 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  203 

wing — eight  thousand  men,  the  flower  of  the  British 
force — by  gaining  its  flank,  while  Washington  held  his 
main  body  ready  to  strike  in  his  aid  at  the  right  mo 
ment.  The  movement  was  perfectly  successful,  and 
the  fighting  had  begun,  when,  to  the  amazement  and 
chagrin  alike  of  officers  and  men,  Lee  began  to  with 
draw.  Lafayette  sent  a  messenger  hot-foot  for  Wash 
ington,  who  rode  up  to  find  his  men,  not  attacking,  but 
pursued.  "What  is  the  meaning  of  all  this?"  he  thun 
dered,  his  wrath  terrible  to  see.  When  Lee  would  have 
made  some  excuse,  he  hotly  cursed  him,  in  his  fury,  for 
a  coward,  himself  rallied  the  willing  troops,  and  led 
them  forward  again  to  a  victory :  won  back  the  field 
Lee  had  abandoned,  and  drove  the  enemy  to  the  cover 
of  a  morass.  In  the  night  that  followed,  Clinton  hastily 
withdrew,  leaving  even  his  wounded  behind  him,  and 
Washington's  chance  to  crush  him  was  gone. 

"  Clinton  gained  no  advantage  except  to  reach  New 
York  with  the  wreck  of  his  army,"  commented  the  ob 
servant  Frederick  over  sea  ;  "  America  is  probably  lost 
for  England."  But  a  great  opportunity  had  been  treach 
erously  thrown  away,  and  the  war  dragged  henceforth 
with  every  painful  trial  of  hope  deferred.  A  scant  three 
weeks  after  Clinton  had  reached  New  York,  the  Count 
d'Estaing  was  off  Sandy  Hook,  with  a  French  fleet  of 
twelve  ships  of  the  line  and  six  frigates,  bringing  four 
thousand  troops.  The  British  fleet  within  the  harbor 
was  barely  half  as  strong ;  but  the  pilots  told  the  cau 
tious  Frenchman  that  his  larger  ships  could  not  cross 
the  bar,  and  he  turned  away  from  New  York  to  strike 
at  Newport,  the  only  other  point  now  held  by  the  Brit 
ish  in  all  the  country.  That  place  had  hardly  been  in 
vested,  however,  when  Lord  Howe  appeared  with  a 


204  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

stronger  fleet  than  the  French.  D'Estaing  was  obliged 
to  draw  off  to  meet  him  ;  a  great  storm  sent  both  fleets 
into  port  to  refit  instead  of  to  fight ;  and  the  disgusted 
militia-men  and  continentals,  who  had  come  to  take  the 
town  with  the  French,  withdrew  in  high  choler  to  see 
the  fleet,  without  which  they  could  do  nothing,  taken 
off  to  Boston.  When  the  autumn  came  Clinton  felt 
free  to  send  thirty- five  hundred  men  to  the  Southern 
coast,  and  Savannah  was  taken  (December  29th,  1778). 
Only  in  the  far  West,  at  the  depths  of  the  great  wilder 
ness  beyond  the  mountains,  was  anything  done  that 
promised  decisive  advantage.  George  Rogers  Clark, 
that  daring  Saxon  frontiersman,  who  moved  so  like  a 
king  through  the  far  forests,  swept  the  whole  country 
of  the  Illinois  free  from  British  soldiers  and  British  au 
thority  that  winter  of  1778-9,  annexing  it  to  the  states 
that  meant  to  be  independent ;  and  a  steady  stream  of 
immigration  began  to  pour  into  the  opened  country,  as 
if  to  prepare  a  still  deeper  task  of  conquest  for  the  Brit 
ish  at  far  New  York. 

But  few  noted  in  the  East  what  gallant  men  were  do 
ing  in  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi.  They  saw  only 
that  the  British,  foiled  in  New  England  and  the  middle 
colonies,  had  changed  their  plans,  and  were  now  minded 
to  try  what  could  be  done  in  the  South.  There  at  last 
their  campaigns  seemed  about  to  yield  them  something. 
Savannah  taken,  they  had  little  trouble  in  overrunning 
Georgia,  and  every  effort  to  dislodge  them  failed ;  for 
Washington  could  not  withdraw  his  army  from  before 
Clinton  at  New  York.  Spain  joined  France  in  offensive 
alliance  in  April,  1779 ;  in  August  a  combined  French 
and  Spanish  fleet  attempted  an  invasion  of  England  ;  all 
Europe  seemed  about  to  turn  upon  the  stout  little  king- 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  205 

dom  in  its  unanimous  fear  and  hatred  of  her  arrogant 
supremacy  upon  the  seas.  Everywhere  there  was  war 
upon  the  ocean  highways— even  America  sending  forth 
men  of  desperate  valor,  like  John  Paul  Jones,  to  ravage 
and  challenge  Britain  upon  her  very  coasts.  But  Eng 
land's  spirit  only  rose  with  the  danger,  and  Washington 
waited  all  the  weary  year  through  for  his  French  allies. 
In  1780  it  looked  for  a  little  as  if  the  British  were  in 
deed  turned  victors.  In  the  spring  Clinton  withdrew 
the  force  that  had  held  Newport  to  New  York,  and, 
leaving  General  Knyphausen  there  with  a  powerful 
force  to  keep  Washington  and  the  city,  carried  eight 
thousand  men  southward  to  take  Charleston.  There 
were  forces  already  in  the  South  sufficient  to  swell  his 
army  to  ten  thousand  ere  he  invested  the  fated  town ; 
and  on  the  12th  of  May  (1780)  it  fell  into  his  hands, 
with  General  Lincoln  and  three  thousand  prisoners. 
Washington  had  sent  such  succor  as  he  could,  but  the 
British  force  was  overwhelming,  and  South  Carolina 
was  lost.  South  Carolina  teemed  with  loyalists.  The 
whole  country  was  swept  and  harried  by  partisan  bands. 
The  men  who  should  have  swelled  General  Lincoln's 
force  knew  not  when  their  homes  might  be  plundered 
and  destroyed,  if  they  were  to  leave  them.  The  planters 
of  the  low  country  dared  not  stir  for  fear  of  an  insur 
rection  of  their  slaves.  In  June,  Clinton  could  take  half 
his  force  back  to  New  York,  deeming  the  work  done. 
General  Gates  completed  the  disastrous  record.  On  the 
13th  of  June  he  was  given  chief  command  in  the  South, 
and  was  told  that  the  country  expected  another  "  Bur- 
goynade."  His  force  was  above  three  thousand,  and  he 
struck  his  blow,  as  he  should,  at  Camden,  where  Corn- 
wallis  had  but  two  thousand  men,  albeit  trained  and 


206  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

veteran  troops;  but  the  end  was  total,  shameful  rout 
(August  16th,  1780),  and  men  knew  at  last  the  incapacity 
of  their  "  hero  of  Saratoga."  "  We  look  on  America  as 
at  our  feet,"  said  Horace  Walpole. 

Certainly  things  looked  desperate  enough  that  dark 
year.  The  congress  was  sinking  into  a  more  and  more 
helpless  inefficiency.  Definitive  articles  of  confederation 
had  been  submitted  to  the  states  nearly  three  years  ago 
(November,  1777),  but  they  had  not  been  adopted  yet, 
and  the  states  had  almost  ceased  to  heed  the  requisitions 
of  the  congress  at  all.  Unable  to  tax,  it  paid  its  bills 
and  the  wages  of  its  troops  in  paper,  which  so  rapidly 
fell  in  value  that  by  the  time  the  hopeless  year  1780  was 
out,  men  in  the  ranks  found  a  month's  pay  too  little 
with  which  to  buy  even  a  single  bushel  of  wheat. 
Washington  was  obliged  to  levy  supplies  from  the  coun 
try  round  him  to  feed  his  army ;  and  in  spite  of  their 
stanch  loyalty  to  him,  his  men  grew  mutinous,  in  sheer 
disgust  with  the  weak  and  faithless  government  they 
were  expected  to  serve.  Wholesale  desertion  began,  as 
many  as  one  hundred  men  a  month  going  over  to  the 
enemy,  to  get  at  least  pay  and  food  and  clothing.  The 
country  seemed  not  so  much  dismayed  as  worn  out  and 
indifferent ;  weary  of  waiting  and  hoping ;  looking  stol 
idly  to  see  the  end  come.  Washington  was  helpless. 
Without  the  co-operation  of  a  naval  force,  it  was  impos 
sible  to  do  more  than  hold  the  British  in  New  York. 
France,  it  was  true,  was  bestirring  herself  again.  On 
the  10th  of  July  a  French  fleet  put  in  at  Newport  and 
landed  a  force  of  six  thousand  men,  under  Count  Eo- 
chambeau,  a  most  sensible  and  capable  officer,  who  was 
directed  to  join  Washington  and  put  himself  entirely 
under  his  command.  But  a  powerful  British  fleet  pres- 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  207 

ently  made  its  appearance  in  the  Sound ;  the  French  ad 
miral  dared  not  stir;  Rochambeau  dared  not  leave  him 
without  succor;  and  the  reinforcements  that  were  to 
have  followed  out  of  France  were  blockaded  in  the  har 
bor  of  Brest. 

Then,  while  things  stood  so,  treason  was  added.  Bene 
dict  Arnold,  the  man  whom  "Washington  trusted  with  a 
deep  affection,  and  whom  the  army  loved  for  his  gal 
lantry,  entered  into  correspondence  with  the  enemy ; 
arranged  to  give  West  Point  and  the  posts  dependent 
upon  it  into  their  hands ;  and,  his  treason  suddenly  de 
tected,  escaped  without  punishment  to  the  British  sloop 
of  war  that  waited  in  the  river  for  the  British  agent  in 
the  plot.  Washington  was  at  hand  when  the  discovery 
was  made.  His  aides  were  breakfasting  with  Arnold 
when  the  traitor  was  handed  the  note  which  told  him 
he  was  found  out ;  and  Arnold  had  scarcely  excused 
himself  and  made  good  his  flight  when  the  commander- 
in-chief  reached  the  house.  When  Washington  learned 
what  had  happened,  it  smote  him  so  that  mighty  sobs 
burst  from  him,  as  if  his  great  heart  would  break ;  and 
all  the  night  through  the  guard  could  hear  him  pac 
ing  his  room  endlessly,  in  a  lonely  vigil  with  his  bit 
ter  thoughts.  He  did  not  in  his  own  grief  forget  the 
stricken  wife  upstairs.  "  Go  to  Mrs.  Arnold,"  he  said  to 
one  of  his  officers,  "  and  tell  her  that,  though  my  duty 
required  that  no  means  should  be  neglected  to  arrest 
General  Arnold,  I  have  great  pleasure  in  acquainting 
her  that  he  is  now  safe  on  board  a  British  vessel." 
Arnold  had  deemed  himself  wronged  and  insulted  by 
congress — but  what  officer  that  Washington  trusted 
might  not?  Who  could  be  confided  in  if  such  men 
turned  traitors  ? 


208  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

But  a  sudden  turning  of  affairs  marked  the  close  of 
the  year.  Cornwallis  had  penetrated  too  far  into  the 
Carolinas ;  had  advanced  into  North  Carolina,  and  was 
beset,  as  Burgoyne  had  been,  by  a  rising  of  the  country. 
He  lost  twelve  hundred  men  at  King's  Mountain  (Octo 
ber  7th,  1780),  as  Burgoyne  had  lost  a  thousand  at  Ben- 
nington;  and  everywhere,  as  he  moved,  he  found  him 
self  checked  by  the  best  officers  the  long  war  had  bred 
— Kathanael  Greene,  who  had  been  Washington's  right 
hand  the  war  through ;  Henry  Lee,  the  daring  master 
of  cavalry,  whom  Washington  loved ;  the  veteran  Steu- 
ben ;  Morgan,  who  had  won  Saratoga  with  Arnold ; 
and  partisan  leaders  a  score,  whom  he  had  learned  to 
dread  in  that  wide  forested  country.  He  was  outgener- 
alled ;  his  forces  were  taken  in  detail  and  beaten,  and 
he  himself  was  forced  at  last  into  Virginia.  By  mid 
summer,  1781,  all  his  interior  posts  were  lost,  and  he 
was  cut  off  from  Charleston  and  Savannah  by  a  country 
he  dared  not  cross  again.  In  Virginia,  though  at  first 
he  raided  as  he  pleased,  he  was  checked  more  and  more 
as  the  season  advanced  by  a  growing  force  under  Lafay 
ette  ;  and  by  the  first  week  in  August  he  had  taken 
counsel  of  prudence,  and  established  himself,  seven  thou 
sand  strong,  at  Yorktown,  near  the  sea,  his  base  of  sup 
plies.  Then  it  was  that  Washington  struck  the  blow 
which  ended  the  war.  At  last  Rochambeau  was  free  to 
move;  at  last  a  French  fleet  was  at  hand  to  block  the 
free  passage  of  the  sea.  The  Count  de  Grasse,  with 
twenty-eight  ships  of  the  line,  six  frigates,  and  twenty 
thousand  men,  was  in  the  West  Indies,  and  in  August 
sent  word  to  Washington  that  he  was  about  to  bring 
his  whole  fleet  to  the  Chesapeake,  as  Washington  had 
urged.  Either  the  Chesapeake  or  New  York,  had  been 


THE  ESCAPE   OF   AKNOLD 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON 


209 


Washington's  prayer  to  him.  Making  as  if  he  were  but 
moving  about  New  York  from  north  to  south  for  some 
advantage  of  position,  Washington  suddenly  took  two 
thousand  Continentals  and  four  thousand  Frenchmen, 
under  Rochambeau,  all  the  long  four  hundred  miles  to 
York  River  in  Virginia,  to  find  Cornwallis  already  en 
trapped  there,  as  he  had  planned,  between  Grasse's  fleet 
in  the  bay  and  Lafayette  intrenched  across  the  peninsu 
la  with  eight  thousand  men,  now  the  French  had  loaned 
him  three  thousand.  A  few  weeks'  siege  and  the  de 
cisive  work  was  done,  to  the  admiration  of  Cornwallis 
himself.  The  British  army  was  taken.  The  generous 
Englishman  could  not  withhold  an  expression  of  his  ad 
miration  for  the  extraordinary  skill  with  which  Wash 
ington  had  struck  all  the  way  from  New  York  with  six 
thousand  men  as  easily  as  if  with  six  hundred.  "  But, 
after  all,"  he  added,  "  your  Excellency's  achievements  in 
New  Jersey  were  such  that  nothing  could  surpass 
them." 


THE   STEESS   OF  VICTOKY 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE  victory  at  Yorktown  brought  neither  peace  nor 
ease  in  affairs.  The  revolution  was  indeed  accomplished 
— that  every  man  could  see  who  had  the  candor  to 
look  facts  in  the  face ;  but  its  accomplishment  brought 
tasks  harder  even  than  the  tasks  of  war.  Hostilities 
slackened — were  almost  wholly  done  with  before  an 
other  spring  had  come.  No  more  troops  came  over  sea. 
The  ministry  in  England  were  discredited  and  ousted. 
Every  one  knew  that  the  proud  mother  country  must 
yield,  for  all  her  stout  defiance  of  the  world.  But  a  long 
year  dragged  by,  nevertheless,  before  even  preliminary 
articles  of  accommodation  were  signed;  and  still  an 
other  before  definitive  peace  came,  with  independence 
and  the  full  fruits  of  victory.  Meanwhile  there  was  an 
army  to  be  maintained,  despite  desperate  incompetence 
on  the  part  of  the  congress  and  a  hopeless  indifference 
among  the  people ;  and  a  government  to  be  kept  pre- 
sentably  afoot,  despite  lack  of  money  and  lack  of  men. 
The  Articles  of  Confederation  proposed  at  the  heart 
of  the  war-time  (November  15th,  1777)  had  at  last  been 
adopted  (March  1st,  1781),  in  season  to  create  at  least 
a  government  which  could  sign  treaties  and  conclude 
wars,  but  neither  soon  enough  nor  wisely  enough  to 
bring  order  out  of  chaos.  The  states,  glad  to  think  the 
war  over,  would  do  nothing  for  the  army,  nothing  for 


214  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

the  public  credit,  nothing  even  for  the  maintenance  of 
order  ;  and  the  Articles  of  Confederation  only  gave  the 
congress  written  warranty  for  offering  advice :  they  did 
not  make  its  shadowy  powers  real. 

It  was  beyond  measure  fortunate  that  at  such  a  crit 
ical  time  as  this  Washington  still  kept  his  command, 
still  held  affairs  under  the  steady  pressure  of  his  will. 
His  successes  had  at  last  given  him  a  place  of  authority 
in  the  thoughts  and  affections  of  his  countrymen  in 
some  sort  commensurate  with  his  capacity  and  his  vision 
in  affairs.  He  had  risen  to  a  very  safe  footing  of  power 
among  all  the  people  as  the  war  drew  towards  its  close, 
filling  their  imaginations,  and  reigning  among  them  as 
securely  as  among  his  troops,  who  for  so  long  had  felt 
his  will  wrought  upon  them  day  by  day.  His  very  re 
serve,  and  the  large  dignity  and  pride  of  his  stately 
bearing,  made  him  seem  the  more  like  a  hero  in  the 
people's  eyes.  They  could  understand  a  man  made  in 
this  ample  and  simple  kind,  give  them  but  time  enough 
to  see  him  in  his  full  proportions.  It  answered  to  their 
thought  of  him  to  find  him  too  proud  to  dissemble,  too 
masterful  to  brook  unreasonable  faults,  and  yet  slow  to 
grow  impatient,  though  he  must  wait  a  whole  twelve 
month  to  see  a  plan  mature,  or  coax  a  half -score  states 
to  get  a  purpose  made  good.  And  they  could  not  deem 
him  cold,  though  they  found  him  self-possessed,  keeping 
his  own  counsel;  for  was  not  the  country  full  of  talk 
how  passionately  he  was  like  to  act  at  a  moment  of 
crisis  and  in  the  field?  They  only  feared  to  lose  a  lead 
er  so  reckless  of  himself  when  danger  was  sharpest. 
"  Our  army  love  their  general  very  much,"  one  of  his 
officers  had  said,  "  but  they  have  one  thing  against  him, 
which  is  the  little  care  he  takes  of  himself  in  any 


THE  STRESS   OF  VICTORY  215 

action";  for  he  had  seen  how  Washington  pressed  at 
Trenton  and  at  Princeton  to  the  points  that  were  most 
exposed,  thinking  of  his  troops,  not  of  himself.  The 
spirit  of  fight  had  run  high  in  him  the  whole  war 
through.  Even  during  those  dismal  weeks  of  1776, 
when  affairs  looked  darkest,  and  he  had  but  a  handful 
of  men  about  him  as  he  all  but  fled  before  Howe 
through  New  Jersey,  he  had  spoken,  as  if  in  the  very 
pleasantry  of  daring,  of  what  he  would  do  should  things 
come  to  the  worst  with  him.  His  thought  turned  to 
those  western  fastnesses  he  knew  so  well,  where  the 
highlands  of  his  own  state  lay,  and  he  spoke  calmly  of 
a  desperate  venture  thither.  "  Reed,"  he  exclaimed,  to 
one  of  his  aides,  "  my  neck  does  not  feel  as  though  it 
was  made  for  a  halter.  We  must  retire  to  Augusta 
County,  in  Virginia,  and  if  overpowered,  must  pass  the 
Alleghany  Mountains."  And  when  the  last  movement 
of  the  war  came,  it  was  still  with  the  same  feeling  that 
he  drew  his  lines  about  Cornwallis.  "  We  may  be 
beaten  by  the  English,"  he  said  ;  "  it  is  the  chance  of 
war ;  but  there  is  the  army  they  will  never  conquer." 

"  The  privates  are  all  generals,  but  not  soldiers,"  the 
gallant  Montgomery  had  cried,  in  his  hot  impatience 
with  the  heady  militia-men  he  was  bidden  command ; 
but  it  was  not  so  in  the  presence  of  Washington,  when 
once  these  men  had  taken  his  measure.  They  were 
then  "  rivals  in  praising  him,"  the  Abbe  Robin  de 
clared,  "  fearing  him  even  when  he  was  silent,  and  re 
taining  their  full  confidence  in  him  after  defeats  and 
disgrace."  The  singular  majesty  and  poise  of  this  revo 
lutionary  hero  struck  the  French  officers  as  infinitely 
more  remarkable  than  his  mastery  in  the  field  and  his 
ascendency  in  council.  They  had  looked  to  find  him 


216  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

great  in  action,  but  they  had  not  thought  to  see  in  him 
a  great  gentleman,  a  man  after  their  own  kind  in  grace 
and  courtesy  and  tact,  and  yet  so  lifted  above  the  man 
ner  of  courts  and  drawing-rooms  by  an  incommunicable 
quality  of  grave  sincerity  which  they  were  at  a  loss  how 
to  describe.  'No  one  could  tell  whether  it  were  a  gift  of 
the  mind  or  of  the  heart.  It  was  certain  only  that  it 
constituted  the  atmosphere  and  apotheosis  of  the  man. 
The  Marquis  de  Chastellux  noted,  with  a  sort  of  rev 
erent  awe  for  this  hero  not  yet  turned  of  fifty,  how 
perfect  a  union  reigned  between  his  physical  and  moral 
qualities.  "  One  alone,"  he  declared,  "  will  enable  you 
to  judge  of  all  the  rest."  "  It  is  not  my  intention  to 
exaggerate,"  he  said;  "  I  wish  only  to  express  my  im 
pression  of  a  perfect  whole,  which  cannot  be  the  prod 
uct  of  enthusiasm,  since  the  effect  of  proportion  is 
rather  to  diminish  the  idea  of  greatness." 

Strangers  who  had  noted  his  appearance  in  the  earlier 
years  of  the  war  had  remarked  the  spirit  and  life  that 
sat  in  "Washington's  eyes  :  but  when  the  war  was  over, 
and  its  strain  relaxed,  they  found  those  eyes  grown 
pensive,  "  more  attentive  than  sparkling  ";  steady  still, 
and  noble  in  their  frankness  and  good  feeling,  but 
touched  a  little  with  care,  dimmed  with  watching.  The 
Prince  de  Broglie  found  him  "still  as  fresh  and  active 
as  a  young  man"  in  1782,  but  thought  "  he  must  have 
been  much  handsomer  three  years  ago,"  for  "  the  gen 
tlemen  who  had  remained  with  him  during  all  that 
time  said  that  he  seemed  to  have  grown  much  older." 
'T  would  have  been  no  marvel  had  he  broken  under  the 
burden  he  had  carried,  athletic  soldier  and  hardened 
campaigner  though  he  was.  "  This  is  the  seventh  year 
that  he  has  commanded  the  army  and  that  he  has 


THE  STRESS  OF  VICTORY  217 

obeyed  the  congress  :  more  need  not  be  said,"  the  Mar 
quis  de  Chastellux  declared,  unconsciously  uttering  a 
very  bitter  gibe  against  the  government,  when  he 
meant  only  to  praise  its  general. 

Such  service  told  the  more  heavily  upon  Washington 
because  he  had  rendered  it  in  silence.  JSTo  man  among 
all  the  Revolutionary  leaders,  it  is  true,  had  been  more 
at  the  desk  than  he.  Letters  of  command  and  persua 
sion,  reports  that  carried  every  detail  of  the  army's  life 
and  hopes  in  their  careful  phrases,  orders  of  urgency 
and  of  provident  arrangement,  writings  of  any  and 
every  sort  that  might  keep  the  hard  war  afoot,  he  had 
poured  forth  incessantly,  and  as  if  incapable  of  fatigue 
or  discouragement.  No  one  who  was  under  orders,  no 
man  who  could  lend  the  service  a  hand  or  take  a  turn  at 
counsel,  was  likely  to  escape  seeing  the  commander-in- 
chiefs  handwriting  often  enough  to  keep  him  in  mind 
of  his  tireless  power  to  foresee  and  to  direct.  Washing 
ton  seemed  present  in  every  transaction  of  the  war. 
And  yet  always  and  to  every  one  he  seemed  a  silent 
man.  What  he  said  and  what  he  wrote  never  touched 
himself.  He  spoke  seldom  of  motives,  always  of  what 
was  to  be  done  and  considered;  and  even  his  secre 
taries,  though  they  handled  the  multitude  of  his  papers, 
were  left  oftentimes  to  wonder  and  speculate  about  the 
man  himself — so  frank  and  yet  so  reserved,  so  straight 
forward  and  simple  and  yet  so  proud  and  self-contained, 
revealing  powers,  but  somehow  not  revealing  himself. 
It  must  have  seemed  at  times  to  those  who  followed 
him  and  pondered  what  they  saw  that  he  had  caught 
from  Nature  her  own  manner  while  he  took  his  breed 
ing  as  a  boy  and  his  preparation  as  a  man  amidst  the 
forests  of  a  wild  frontier;  that  his  character  spoke  in 


218  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

what  he  did  and  without  self -consciousness;    that  he 
had  no  moods  but  those  of  action. 

Nor  did  men  know  bim  for  what  he  really  was  until 
the  war  was  over.  His  own  officers  then  found  they 
had  something  more  to  learn  of  the  man  they  had 
fought  under  for  six  years — and  those  six,  all  of  them, 
years  such  as  lay  bare  the  characters  of  men.  What 
remained  to  be  done  during  the  two  trying,  anxious 
years  1782  and  1783  seemed  as  if  intended  for  a  supreme 
and  final  test  of  the  qualities  of  the  man  whose  genius 
and  character  had  made  the  Revolution  possible.  "  At 
the  end  of  a  long  civil  war,"  said  the  Marquis  de  Chas- 
tellux,  with  a  noble  pride  for  his  friend,  "  he  had  noth 
ing  with  which  he  could  reproach  himself";  but  it  was 
these  last  years  which  were  to  crown  this  perfect  praise 
with  its  full  meaning.  In  the  absence  of  any  real  gov 
ernment,  "Washington  proved  almost  the  only  prop  of 
authority  and  law.  What  the  crisis  was  no  one  knew 
quite  so  thoroughly  or  so  particularly  as  he.  It  con 
sisted  in  the  ominous  fact  that  the  army  was  the  only 
organized  and  central  power  in  the  country,  and  that 
it  had  deep  reason  for  discontent  and  insubordination. 
When  once  it  had  served  its  purpose  greatly  at  York- 
town,  and  the  war  seemed  ended  at  a  stroke,  the  coun 
try  turned  from  it  in  indifference — left  it  without  money ; 
talked  of  disbanding  it  without  further  ceremony,  and 
with  no  provision  made  for  arrears  of  pay ;  seemed 
almost  to  challenge  it  to  indignation  and  mutiny.  It 
was  necessary,  for  every  reason  of  prudence  and  good 
statesmanship,  to  keep  the  army  still  upon  a  war  footing. 
^There  were  sure  signs  of  peace,  no  doubt,  but  no  man 
could  foretell  what  might  be  the  course  of  politics  ere 
England  should  have  compounded  her  quarrel  with 


THE   BUST   BY  ECKSTEIN 

(Owned  by  Frederick  McGuire,  Esq.,  Washington) 


THE  STRESS  OF   VICTORY  219 

France  and  Spain,  and  ended  the  wars  with  which  the 
Revolution  had  become  inextricably  involved.  'Twere 
folly  to  leave  the  English  army  at  New  York  unchecked. 
Premature  confidence  that  peace  had  come  might  bring 
some  sudden  disaster  of  arms,  should  the  enemy  take 
the  field  again.  The  army  must  be  ready  to  fight,  if 
only  to  make  fighting  unnecessary.  Washington  would 
have  assumed  the  offensive  again,  would  have  crushed 
Clinton  where  he  lay  in  New  York ;  and  the  congress 
was  not  slack — as  slackness  was  counted  there— in  sus 
taining  his  counsels.  But  the  congress  had  no  power 
to  raise  money;  had  no  power  to  command.  The 
states  alone  could  make  it  possible  to  tax  the  country 
to  pay  the  army :  their  thirteen  governments  were  the 
only  civil  authority,  and  they  took  the  needs  and  the 
discontents  of  the  army  very  lightly,  deemed  peace  se 
cure  and  war  expenses  unnecessary,  and  let  matters  drift 
as  they  would. 

They  came  very  near  drifting  to  another  revolution 
— a  revolution  such  as  politicians  had  left  out  of  their 
reckoning,  and  only  Washington  could  avert.  After 
Yorktown,  Washington  spent  four  months  in  Philadel 
phia,  helping  the  congress  forward  with  the  business  of 
the  winter;  but  as  March  of  the  new  year  (1782)  drew 
towards  its  close,  he  rejoined  the  army  at  Newburgh, 
to  resume  his  watch  upon  New  York.  He  had  been 
scarcely  two  months  at  his  post  when  a  letter  was 
placed  in  his  hands  which  revealed,  more  fully  than  any 
observations  of  his  own  could  have  revealed  it,  the  pass 
to  which  affairs  had  come.  The  letter  was  from  Colonel 
Lewis  Nicola,  an  old  and  respected  officer,  who  stood 
nearer  than  did  most  of  his  fellow-officers  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  in  intimacy  and  affection,  and  who  felt 


220  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

it  his  privilege  to  speak  plainly.  The  letter  was  calm 
in  temper,  grave  and  moderate  in  tone,  with  something 
of  the  gravity  and  method  of  a  disquisition  written 
upon  abstract  questions  of  government ;  did  not  broach 
its  meaning  like  a  revolutionary  document.  But  what 
it  proposed  was  nothing  less,  when  read  between  the 
lines,  than  that  Washington  should  suffer  himself  to  be 
made  king,  and  that  so  an  end  should  be  put  to  the 
incompetency  and  ingratitude  of  a  band  of  weak  and 
futile  republics.  Washington  met  the  suggestion  with 
a  rebuke  so  direct  and  overwhelming  that  Colonel  Nicola 
must  himself  have  wondered  how  he  had  ever  dared 
make  such  a  venture.  "  Be  assured,  sir,"  said  the  indig 
nant  commander,  "  no  occurrence  in  the  course  of  the 
war  has  given  me  more  painful  sensations  than  your  in 
formation  of  there  being  such  ideas  existing  in  the  army. 
...  I  am  much  at  a  loss  to  conceive  what  part  of  my 
conduct  could  have  given  encouragement  to  an  address 
which  to  me  seems  big  with  the  greatest  mischiefs  that 
can  befall  my  country.  If  I  am  not  deceived  in  the 
knowledge  of  myself,  you  could  not  have  found  a  person 
to  whom  your  schemes  are  more  disagreeable.  .  .  .  Let 
me  conjure  you,  if  you  have  any  regard  for  your  country, 
concern  for  yourself  or  posterity,  or  respect  for  me,  to 
banish  these  thoughts  from  your  mind,  and  never  com 
municate,  as  from  yourself  or  any  one  else,  a  sentiment 
of  the  like  nature."  He  was  cut  to  the  quick  that  his 
own  officers  should  deem  him  an  adventurer,  willing  to 
advance  his  own  power  at  the  expense  of  the  very 
principles  he  had  fought  for.  His  thought  must  have 
gone  back  at  a  bound  to  his  old  comradeship  with  his 
brother  Lawrence,  with  the  Fairfaxes,  George  Mason, 
and  the  Lees,  and  all  that  free  company  of  gentlemen 


THE  STRESS  OF  VICTORY  221 

in  the  Northern  Neck  who  revered  law,  loved  liberty, 
and  hated  a  usurper. 

But  he  could  not  blink  the  just  complaints  and  real 
grievances  of  the  array ;  nor  did  he  wish  to.  Though 
others  were  angry  after  a  manner  he  scorned,  no  man's 
grief  or  indignation  was  deeper  than  his  that  the  army 
should  be  left  penniless  after  all  it  had  suffered  and 
done,  and  be  threatened,  besides,  with  being  turned 
adrift  without  reward  or  hope  of  provision  for  the  fut 
ure.  "  No  man  possesses  a  more  sincere  wish  to  see 
ample  justice  done  to  the  army  than  I  do,"  he  had  de 
clared  to  Colonel  Nicola ;  "  and  as  far  as  my  power  and 
influence,  in  a  constitutional  way,  extend,  they  shall  be 
employed  to  the  utmost  of  my  abilities  to  effect  it." 
The  pledge  was  fulfilled  in  almost  every  letter  he  wrote, 
private  or  public.  He  urged  the  states,  as  he  urged 
the  congress,  in  season  and  out  of  season,  to  see  justice 
done  the  men  who  had  won  the  Revolution,  and  whom 
he  loved  as  if  they  had  been  of  his  own  blood.  But 
even  his  great  voice  went  too  long  unheeded.  "The 
spirit  of  party,  private  interest,  slowness,  and  national 
indolence  slacken,  suspend,  and  overthrow  the  best  con 
certed  measures,"  the  Abbe  Eobin  had  observed,  upon 
his  first  coming  with  Eochambeau;  and  now  meas 
ures  were  not  so  much  as  concerted  until  a  final  menace 
from  the  army  brought  the  country  to  its  senses.  A 
troubled  summer  came  and  went,  and  another  winter  of 
anxious  doubt  and  ineffectual  counsel.  The  very  ap 
proach  of  peace,  as  it  grew  more  certain,  quickened  the 
angry  fears  of  the  army,  lest  peace  should  be  made  a 
pretext,  when  it  came,  to  disperse  them  before  their  de 
mands  could  be  driven  home  upon  the  demoralized  and 
reluctant  government  they  were  learning  to  despise. 


222  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Another  spring  and  the  mischief  so  long  maturing  was 
ripe ;  it  looked  as  if  even  Washington  could  not  prevent 
it.  It  had  been  rumored  in  Philadelphia,  while  the 
winter  held,  "that  the  army  had  secretly  determined 
not  to  lay  down  their  arms  until  due  provision  and  a 
satisfactory  prospect  should  be  afforded  on  the  subject 
of  their  pay,"  and  that  Washington  had  grown  unpop 
ular  among  almost  all  ranks  because  of  his  harshness 
against  every  unlawful  means  of  securing  justice.  "  His 
extreme  reserve,  mixed  sometimes  with  a  degree  of  as 
perity  of  temper,  both  of  which  were  said  to  have  in 
creased  of  late,  had  contributed  to  the  decline  of  his 
popularity " — so  ran  the  report — and  it  grew  every 
week  the  more  unlikely  he  could  check  the  treasonable 
purposes  of  his  men. 

In  March,  1783,  the  mine  was  sprung ;  and  then  men 
learned,  by  a  new  sign,  what  power  there  was  in  the 
silent  man :  how  he  could  handle  disaffection  and  dis 
arm  reproach.  An  open  address  was  spread  broadcast 
through  the  camp,  calling  upon  the  army  to  use  its 
power  to  obtain  its  rights,  and  inviting  a  meeting  of  the 
officers  to  devise  a  way.  "  Can  you  consent  to  be  the 
only  sufferers  by  this  Devolution?  ...  If  you  can,  .  .  go, 
.  .  carry  with  you  the  ridicule,  and,  what  is  worse,  the 
pity  of  the  world.  Go,  starve,  and  be  forgotten.  .  .  . 
But  if  you  have  sense  enough  to  discover,  and  spirit 
enough  to  oppose,  tyranny,  .  .  awake ;  attend  to  your 
situation,  and  redress  yourselves."  Such  were  its  kind 
ling  phrases ;  and  no  man  need  deceive  himself  with 
thinking  they  would  go  unheeded.  Washington  showed 
his  tact  and  mastery  by  assuming  immediate  control  of 
the  movement,  with  a  sharp  rebuke  for  such  a  breach 
of  manly  propriety  and  soldierly  discipline,  but  with  no 


JOHN   PARKE    CUSTIS,   JR. 

(From  a  miniature  in  possession  of  General  G.  W.  Custis,  Lexington. 
Virginia) 


THE   STRESS   OF   VICTORY  223 

thought  to  stay  a  righteous  protest.  He  himself  sum 
moned  the  officers ;  and  when  they  had  come  together 
stepped  to  the  desk  before  them,  with  no  show  of  anger 
or  offended  dignity,  but  very  gravely,  with  a  sort  of 
majesty  it  moved  one  strangely  to  see,  and  taking  a 
written  paper  from  his  pocket,  adjusted  his  spectacles 
to  read  it.  "  Gentlemen,"  he  said,  very  simply,  "you 
will  permit  me  to  put  on  my  spectacles,  for  I  have  not 
only  grown  gray,  but  almost  blind,  in  the  service  of  my 
country."  There  were  wet  eyes  upon  the  instant  in  the 
room ;  no  man  stirred  while  he  read  —  read  words  of 
admonition,  of  counsel,  and  of  hope  which  burned  at 
the  ear;  and  when  he  was  done,  and  had  withdrawn, 
leaving  them  to  do  what  they  would,  they  did  nothing 
of  which  he  could  be  ashamed.  They  spoke  manfully, 
as  was  right,  of  what  they  deemed  it  just  and  impera 
tive  the  congress  should  do  for  them;  but  they  "Re 
solved,  unanimously,  that  at  the  commencement  of  the 
present  war  the  officers  of  the  American  army  engaged 
in  the  service  of  their  country  from  the  purest  love  and 
attachment  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of  human  nature, 
which  motives  still  exist  in  the  highest  degree  ;  and  that 
no  circumstances  of  distress  or  danger  shall  induce  a 
conduct  that  may  tend  to  sully  the  reputation  and  glory 
which  they  have  acquired  at  the  price  of  their  blood 
and  eight  years'  faithful  services." 

Washington  knew,  nevertheless,  how  black  a  danger 
lurked  among  these  distressed  men ;  did  not  fail  to 
speak  plainly  of  it  to  the  congress ;  and  breathed  freely 
again  only  when  the  soldiers'  just  demands  had  at  last 
in  some  measure  been  met,  by  at  any  rate  the  proper 
legislation.  He  grew  weary  with  longing  for  peace, 
when  the  work  seemed  done  and  his  thoughts  had  lei- 


224  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

sure  to  turn  towards  his  home  again.  But  once  in  all 
the  lengthened  days  of  fighting  had  he  seen  Mount 
Yernon.  He  had  turned  aside  to  spend  a  night  or  two 
there  on  his  way  to  Yorktown,  and  he  had  seen  the 
loved  place  again  for  a  little  after  the  victory  was  won. 
Now,  amidst  profitless  days  at  Newburgh,  or  in  counsel 
with  the  committees  of  the  congress  upon  business  that 
was  never  finished,  while  affairs  stood  as  it  were  in  a 
sort  of  paralysis,  waiting  upon  the  interminable  confer 
ences  of  the  three  powers  who  haggled  over  definitive 
terms  of  peace  at  Paris,  home  seemed  to  him,  in  his 
weariness,  more  to  be  desired  than  ever  before.  Pri 
vate  griefs  had  stricken  him  at  the  very  moment  of  his 
triumph.  Scarcely  had  the  victory  at  Yorktown  been 
celebrated  when  he  was  called  (November,  1781)  to  the 
death-bed  of  Jack  Custis,  his  wayward  but  dearly  loved 
step-son,  and  had  there  to  endure  the  sight  of  his  wife's 
grief  and  the  young  widow's  hopeless  sorrow  added  to 
his  own.  The  two  youngest  children  he  claimed  for 
himself,  with  that  wistful  fatherly  longing  that  had  al 
ways  marked  him  ;  and  Mount  Yernon  seemed  to  him 
more  like  a  haven  than  ever,  where  to  seek  rest  and 
solace.  The  two  years  he  had  yet  to  wait  may  well 
have  seemed  to  him  the  longest  of  his  life,  and  may 
have  added  a  touch  of  their  own  to  what  strangers 
deemed  his  sternness. 

He  had  seldom  seemed  so  stern,  indeed,  as  in  one 
incident  of  those  trying  months.  An  officer  of  the 
American  army  had  been  taken  in  a  skirmish,  and  the 
English  had  permitted  a  brutal  company  of  loyalists, 
under  one  Captain  Lippincott,  to  take  him  from  his 
prison  in  New  York  and  wantonly  hang  him  in  broad 
daylight  on  the  heights  near  Middletown.  Washington 


THE  STRESS  OF  VICTORY  225 

at  once  notified  the  British  commander  that  unless  the 
murderers  were  delivered  up  to  be  punished,  a  British 
officer  would  be  chosen  by  lot  from  among  his  prisoners 
to  suffer  in  their  stead ;  and,  when  reparation  was  with 
held,  proceeded  without  hesitation  to  carry  his  threat 
into  execution.  The  lot  fell  upon  Captain  Charles  As- 
gill,  an  engaging  youth  of  only  nineteen,  the  heir  of  a 
great  English  family.  Lady  Asgill,  the  lad's  mother, 
did  not  stop  short  of  moving  the  very  French  court  it 
self  to  intervene  to  save  her  son,  and  at  last  the  con 
gress  counselled  his  release,  the  English  commander 
having  disavowed  the  act  of  the  murderers  in  whose 
place  he  was  to  suffer,  and  Washington  himself  having 
asked  to  be  directed  what  he  should  do.  "  Captain  As 
gill  has  been  released,"  Washington  wrote  to  Yergennes, 
in  answer  to  the  great  minister's  intercession.  "  I  have 
no  right  to  assume  any  particular  merit  from  the  lenient 
manner  in  which  this  disagreeable  affair  has  terminated. 
But  I  beg  you  to  believe,  sir,  that  I  most  sincerely  re 
joice,  not  only  because  your  humane  intentions  are  grat 
ified,  but  because  the  event  accords  with  the  wishes  of 
his  Most  Christian  Majesty."  It  lifted  a  great  weight 
from  his  heart  to  have  the  innocent  boy  go  unhurt  from 
his  hands,  and  he  wrote  almost  tenderly  to  him  in  ac 
quainting  him  with  his  release ;  but  it  was  of  his  simple 
nature  to  have  sent  the  lad  to  the  gallows,  nevertheless, 
had  things  continued  to  stand  as  they  were  at  the  first. 
He  was  inexorable  to  check  perfidy  and  vindicate  the 
just  rules  of  war.  Men  were  reminded,  while  the  affair 
pencled,  of  the  hanging  of  Andre,  Arnold's  British  con 
federate  in  treason,  and  how  pitiless  the  command er-in- 
chief  had  seemed  in  sending  the  frank,  accomplished, 
lovable  gentleman  to  his  disgraceful  death,  like  any 

15 


226  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

common  spy,  granting  him  not  even  the  favor  to  be 
shot,  like  a  soldier.  It  seemed  hard  to  learn  the  inflex 
ible  lines  upon  which  that  consistent  mind  worked,  as  if 
it  had  gone  to  school  to  Fate. 

But  no  one  deemed  him  hard  or  stern,  or  so  much  as 
a  thought  more  or  less  than  human,  when  at  last  the 
British  had  withdrawn  from  New  York,  and  he  stood 
amidst  his  officers  in  Fraunce's  Tavern  to  say  good-bye. 
He  could  hardly  speak  for  emotion :  he  could  only  lift 
his  glass  and  say :  u  With  a  heart  full  of  love  and  grati 
tude,  I  now  take  my  leave  of  you,  most  devoutly  wish 
ing  that  your  latter  days  may  be  as  prosperous  and 
happy  as  your  former  ones  have  been  glorious  and  hon 
orable.  ...  I  cannot  come  to  each  of  you  and  take  my 
leave,"  he  said,  "  but  shall  be  obliged  if  you  will  come 
and  take  me  by  the  hand."  When  General  Knox,  who 
stood  nearest,  approached  him,  he  drew  him  to  him  with 
a  sudden  impulse  and  kissed  him,  and  not  a  soldier 
among  them  all  went  away  without  an  embrace  from 
this  man  who  was  deemed  cold  and  distant.  After  the 
parting  they  followed  him  in  silence  to  Whitehall  Ferry, 
and  saw  him  take  boat  for  his  journey. 

And  then,  standing  before  the  congress  at  Annapolis 
to  resign  his  commission,  he  added  the  crowning  touch 
of  simplicity  to  his  just  repute  as  a  man  beyond  others 
noble  and  sincere.  "  I  have  now  the  honor  of  offering 
my  sincere  congratulations  to  congress,"  he  said,  as  he 
stood  amidst  the  august  scene  they  had  prepared  for 
him,  "and  of  presenting  myself  before  them  to  sur 
render  into  their  hands  the  trust  committed  to  me,  and 
to  claim  the  indulgence  of  retiring  from  the  service  of 
my  country.  Happy  in  the  confirmation  of  our  inde 
pendence  and  sovereignty,  and  pleased  with  the  op- 


THE  STRESS   OF  VICTORY  227 

portunity  afforded  the  United  States  of  becoming  a 
respectable  nation,  I  resign  with  satisfaction  the  ap 
pointment  I  accepted  with  diffidence  —  a  diffidence  in 
my  abilities  to  accomplish  so  arduous  a  task,  which, 
however,  was  superseded  by  a  confidence  in  the  recti- 
( tude  of  our  cause,  the  support  of  the  supreme  power  of 
the  Union,  and  the  patronage  of  Heaven.  The  success 
ful  termination  of  the  war  has  verified  the  most  sanguine 
expectations ;  and  my  gratitude  for  the  interposition  of 
Providence  and  the  assistance  I  have  received  from  my 
countrymen  increases  with  every  review  of  the  momen 
tous  contest.  ...  I  consider  it  my  indispensable  duty 
to  close  this  last  solemn  act  of  my  official  life  by  com 
mending  the  interests  of  our  dearest  country  to  the  pro 
tection  of  Almighty  God,  and  those  who  have  the  super 
intendence  of  them  to  His  holy  keeping."  It  was  as  if 
spoken  on  the  morrow  of  the  day  upon  which  he  accept 
ed  his  commission :  the  same  diffidence,  the  same  trust 
in  a  power  greater  and  higher  than  his  own.  The 
plaudits  that  had  but  just  now  filled  his  ears  at  every 
stage  of  his  long  journey  from  New  York  seemed  utterly 
forgotten  ;  he  seemed  not  to  know  how  his  fellow  coun 
trymen  had  made  of  him  an  idol  and  a  hero ;  his  simplic 
ity  was  once  again  his  authentic  badge  of  genuineness. 
He  knew,  it  would  seem,  no  other  way  in  which  to  act. 
A  little  child  remembered  afterwards  how  he  had  prayed 
at  her  father's  house  upon  the  eve  of  battle ;  how  he  had 
taken  scripture  out  of  Joshua,  and  had  cried,  "  The  Lord 
God  of  gods,  the  Lord  God  of  gods,  He  knoweth,  and 
Israel  he  shall  know ;  if  it  be  in  rebellion,  or  if  in  trans 
gression  against  the  Lord  (save  us  not  this  day)."  There 
was  here  the  same  note  of  solemnity  and  of  self-forget 
ful  devotion,  as  if  duty  and  honor  were  alike  inevitable. 


228  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

On  Christmas  Eve,  1783,  he  was  once  more  at  Mount 
Vernon,  to  resume  the  life  he  loved  more  than  victory 
and  power.  He  had  a  zest  for  the  means  and  the  labor 
of  succeeding,  but  not  for  the  mere  content  of  success. 
He  put  the  Eevolution  behind  him  as  he  would  have  laid 
aside  a  book  that  was  read ;  turned  from  it  as  quietly  as 
he  had  turned  from  receiving  the  surrender  of  Cornwal- 
lis  at  Yorktown — interested  in  victory  not  as  a  pageant 
and  field  of  glory,  but  only  as  a  means  to  an  end.  He 
looked  to  find  very  sweet  satisfaction  in  the  peace  which 
war  had  earned,  as  sufficient  a  scope  for  his  powers  at 
home  as  in  the  field.  Once  more  he  would  be  a  Vir 
ginian,  and  join  his  strength  to  his  neighbors'  in  all  the 
tasks  of  good  citizenship.  He  had  seen  nothing  of  the 
old  familiar  places  since  that  far-away  spring  of  the 
year  1775,  when  he  had  left  his  farming  and  his  fox 
hunting,  amidst  rumors  of  war,  to  attend  the  congress 
which  was  to  send  him  to  Cambridge.  He  had  halted 
at  Fredericksburg,  indeed,  with  the  Count  de  Rocham- 
beau,  two  years  ago,  ere  he  followed  his  army  from 
York  to  its  posts  upon  the  Hudson.  Mrs.  Lewis,  his 
sister,  had  returned  one  day  from  visiting  a  neighbor  in 
the  quiet  town  to  look  in  astonishment  upon  an  officer's 
horses  and  attendants  at  her  door,  and  had  entered  to 
find  her  beloved  brother  stretched  upon  her  own  bed 
within,  sound  asleep  in  his  clothes,  like  a  boy  returned 
from  hunting.  There  had  been  a  formal  ball  given,  too, 
in  celebration  of  the  victory,  before  the  French  officers 
and  the  commander-in-chief  left  Fredericksburg  to  go 
northward  again,  and  Washington  had  had  the  joy  of 
entering  the  room  in  the  face  of  the  gay  company  with 
his  aged  mother  on  his  arm,  not  a  whit  bent  for  all  her 
seventy -four  years,  and  as  quiet  as  a  queen  at  receiving 


THE   STRESS  OF  VICTORY 


229 


the  homage  of  her  son's  comrades  in  arms.  He  had  got 
his  imperious  spirit  of  command  from  her.  A  servant 
had  told  her  that  "  Mars  George  "  had  put  up  at  the  tav 
ern.  "Go  and  tell  George  to  come  here  instantly," 
she  had  commanded ;  and  he  had  come,  masterful  man 
though  he  was.  He  had  felt  every  old  affection  and 
every  old  allegiance  renew  itself  as  he  saw  former  neigh 
bors  crowd  around  him ;  and  that  little  glimpse  of  Vir 
ginia  had  refreshed  him  like  a  tonic — deeply,  and  as  if 
it  renewed  his  very  nature,  as  only  a  silent  man  can 
be  refreshed.  But  a  few  days  in  Fredericksburg  and 
at  Mount  Yernon  then  had  been  only  an  incident  of 
campaigning,  only  a  grateful  pause  on  a  march.  Now 
at  last  he  had  come  back  to  keep  his  home  and  be  a 
neighbor  again,  as  he  had  not  been  these  nine  years. 


FIKST   IN   PEACE 


CHAPTER   IX 

IT  was  not  the  same  Virginia,  nor  even  the  same 
home  and  neighborhood  he  had  gone  from,  that  Wash 
ington  came  back  to  when  the  war  was  done.  He  had 
left  Mount  Yernon  in  the  care  of  Lund  Washington,  his 
nephew,  while  the  war  lasted,  and  had  not  forgotten 
amidst  all  his  letter  writing  to  send  seasonable  direc 
tions  and  maintain  a  constant  oversight  upon  the  man 
agement  of  his  estate.  It  was  part  of  his  genius  to  find 
time  for  everything ;  and  Mount  Yernon  had  suffered 
something  less  than  the  ordinary  hazards  and  neglects 
of  war.  It  had  suffered  less  upon  one  occasion,  indeed, 
than  its  proud  owner  could  have  found  it  in  his  heart 
to  wish.  In  the  spring  of  1781  several  British  vessels 
had  come  pillaging  within  the  Potomac,  and  the  anx 
ious  Lund  had  regaled  their  officers  with  refreshments 
from  Mount  Yernon  to  buy  them  off  from  mischief. 
"  It  would  have  been  a  less  painful  circumstance  to 
me,"  his  uncompromising  uncle  had  written  him,  "  to 
have  heard  that,  in  consequence  of  your  non-compliance 
with  their  request,  they  had  burnt  my  house  and  laid 
the  plantation  in  ruin.  You  ought  to  have  considered 
yourself  as  my  representative."  Kept  though  it  was 
from  harm,  however,  the  place  had  suffered  many 
things  for  lack  of  his  personal  care.  There  was  some 
part  of  the  task  to  be  done  over  again  that  had  con- 


234  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

fronted  him  when  he  came  to  take  possession  of  the 
old  plantation  with  his  bride  after  the  neglects  of  the 
French  war. 

But  Virginia  was  more  changed  than  Mount  Yernon. 
He  had  left  it  a  colony,  at  odds  with  a  royal  Governor; 
he  returned  to  find  it  a  State,  with  Benjamin  Harrison, 
that  stout  gentleman  and  good  planter,  for  Governor, 
by  the  free  suffrages  of  his  fellow  Virginians.  There 
had  been  no  radical  break  with  the  aristocratic  tradi 
tions  of  the  past.  Mr.  Harrison's  handsome  seat  at 
Lower  Brandon  lay  where  the  long  reaches  of  the  James 
marked  the  oldest  regions  of  Virginia's  life  upon  broad, 
half-feudal  estates ;  where  there  were  good  wine  and 
plate  upon  the  table,  and  gentlemen  kept  old  customs 
bright  and  honored  in  the  observance.  But  the  face 
of  affairs  had  greatly  changed,  nevertheless.  The  ol<J 
generation  of  statesmen  had  passed  away,  almost  with 
the  colony,  and  a  younger  generation  was  in  the  saddle, 
notwithstanding  a  gray-haired  figure  here  and  there. 
Richard  Bland  had  died  in  the  year  of  the  Declaration ; 
Peyton  Randolph  had  not  lived  to  see  it.  Edmund 
Pendleton,  after  presiding  over  Virginia's  making  as  a 
State,  as  chairman  of  her  revolutionary  Committee  of 
Safety,  was  now  withdrawn  from  active  affairs  to  the 
bench,  his  fine  figure  marred  by  a  fall  from  his  horse, 
his  old  power  as  an  advocate  transmuted  into  the  cooler 
talents  of  the  judge.  Patrick  Henry,  the  ardent  leader 
of  the  Revolution,  had  been  chosen  the  State's  first 
Governor,  in  the  year  of  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence  ;  three  years  later  Thomas  Jefferson  had  suc 
ceeded  him  in  the  office,  the  philosophical  radical  of 
times  of  change ;  the  choice  of  Mr.  Harrison  had  but 
completed  the  round  of  the  new  variety  in  affairs.  Men 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  235 

who,  like  Richard  Henry  Lee,  had  counselled  revolution 
and  the  breaking  of  old  bonds,  were  now  in  all  things 
at  the  front  of  the  State's  business ;  and  younger  men, 
of  a  force  and  power  of  origination  equal  to  their  own, 
were  pressing  forward,  as  if  to  hurry  a  new  generation 
to  the  stage  which  had  known  nothing  but  indepen 
dence  and  a  free  field  for  statesmanship.  Among  the 
rest,  James  Madison,  only  a  little  more  than  ten  years 
out  of  college,  but  already  done  with  serving  his  no 
vitiate  in  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation,  a  pub 
licist  and  leader  in  the  Old  Dominion  at  thirty-two. 
Edmund  Randolph,  of  the  new  generation  of  the  com 
monwealth's  great  family  of  lawyers,  like  his  forebears 
in  gifts  and  spirit,  was  already  received,  at  thirty,  into 
a  place  of  influence  among  public  men.  John  Marshall, 
just  turned  of  twenty-eight,  but  a  veteran  of  the  long 
war  none  the  less,  having  been  at  the  thick  of  the  fight 
ing,  a  lieutenant  and  a  captain  among  the  Virginian 
forces,  from  the  time  Dunmore  was  driven  from  Nor 
folk  till  the  eve  of  Yorktown,  was,  now  that  that  duty 
was  done,  a  lawyer  in  quiet  Fauquier,  drawing  to  him 
self  the  eyes  of  every  man  who  had  the  perception  to 
note  qualities  of  force  and  leadership.  James  Monroe 
had  come  out  of  the  war  at  twenty-five  to  go  at  once 
into  the  public  councils  of  his  State,  an  equal  among  his 
elders.  Young  men  came  forward  upon  every  side  to 
take  their  part  in  the  novel  rush  of  affairs  that  followed 
upon  the  heels  of  revolution. 

Washington  found  himself  no  stranger  in  the  new 
State,  for  all  it  had  grown  of  a  sudden  so  unlike  that 
old  community  in  which  his  own  life  had  been  formed. 
He  found  a  very  royal  welcome  awaiting  him  at  his1 
home-coming.  The  old  commonwealth  loved  a  hero 


236  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

still  as  much  as  ever;  was  as  loyal  to  him  now  as  it 
had  been  in  the  far-away  days  of  the  French  war,  when 
Dinwiddie  alone  fretted  against  him  ;  received  him 
with  every  tribute  of  affection ;  offered  him  gifts,  and 
loved  him  all  the  better  for  refusing  them.  But  he 
must  have  felt  that  a  deep  change  had  come  upon  his 
life,  none  the  less,  and  even  upon  his  relations  with  his 
old  familiars  and  neighbors.  He  had  gone  away  hon 
ored  indeed,  and  marked  for  responsible  services  among 
his  people — a  Burgess  as  a  matter  of  course,  a  notable 
citizen,  whose  force  no  man  who  knew  him  could  fail 
to  remark ;  but  by  no  means  accounted  greatest,  even 
among  the  men  who  gathered  for  the  colony's  business 
at  Williamsburg ;  chosen  only  upon  occasion  for  spe 
cial  services  of  action ;  no  debater  or  statesman,  so  far 
as  ordinary  men  could  see ;  too  reserved  to  be  popular 
with  the  crowd,  though  it  should  like  his  frankness 
and  taking  address,  and  go  out  of  its  way  to  see  him 
on  horseback ;  a  man  for  his  neighbors,  who  could  know 
him,  not  for  the  world,  which  he  refused  to  court.  But 
the  war  had  suddenly  lifted  him  to  the  view  of  all 
mankind  ;  had  set  him  among  the  great  captains  of  the 
world  ;  had  marked  him  a  statesman  in  the  midst  of 
affairs — more  a  statesman  than  a  soldier  even,  men 
must  have  thought  who  had  read  his  letters  or  heard 
them  read  in  Congress,  on  the  floor  or  in  the  commit 
tee  rooms ;  had  drawn  to  himself  the  admiration  of  the 
very  men  he  had  been  fighting,  the  very  nation  whose 
dominion  he  had  helped  to  cast  off.  He  had  come  home 
perhaps  the  most  famous  man  of  his  day,  and  could 
not  take  up  the  old  life  where  he  had  left  it  off,  much 
as  he  wished  to ;  was  obliged,  in  spite  of  himself,  to 
play  a  new  part  in  affairs. 


FIRST  IN   PEACE  237 

For  a  few  weeks,  indeed,  after  he  had  reached  Mount 
Yernon,  Nature  herself  assisted  him  to  a  little  privacy 
and  real  retirement.  The  winter  (1783-4)  was  an  un 
commonly  severe  one.  Snow  lay  piled,  all  but  impas 
sable,  upon  the  roads ;  frosts  hardened  all  the  country 
against  travel ;  he  could  not  get  even  to  Fredericksburg 
to  see  his  aged  mother ;  and  not  many  visitors,  though 
they  were  his  near  neighbors,  could  reach  him  at  Mount 
Yernon.  "  At  length,  my  dear  Marquis,"  he  could  write 
to  Lafayette  in  his  security,  "I  am  become  a  private 
citizen  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac  ;  and  under  the 
shadow  of  my  own  vine  and  my  own  fig-tree,  free  from 
the  bustle  of  a  camp  and  the  busy  scenes  of  public  life, 
I  am  solacing  myself  with  those  tranquil  enjoyments 
of  which  the  soldier,  who  is  ever  in  pursuit  of  fame,  the 
statesman,  whose  watchful  days  and  sleepless  nights  are 
spent  in  devising  schemes  to  promote  the  welfare  of  his 
own,  perhaps  the  ruin  of  other  countries,  as  if  this  globe 
was  insufficient  for  us  all,  and  the  courtier,  who  is  al 
ways  watching  the  countenance  of  his  prince,  can  have 
very  little  conception.  I  have  not  only  retired  from 
all  public  employments,  but  I  am  retiring  within  myself. 
.  .  .  Envious  of  none,  I  am  determined  to  be  pleased 
with  all ;  and  this,  my  dear  friend,  being  the  order  of 
my  march,  I  will  move  gently  down  the  stream  of  time 
until  I  sleep  with  my  fathers."  The  simple  gentleman 
did  not  yet  realize  what  the  breaking  up  of  the  frosts 
would  bring. 

With  the  spring  the  whole  life  of  the  world  seemed  to 
come  pouring  in  upon  him.  Men  of  note  everywhere 
pressed  their  correspondence  upon  him  ;  no  stranger 
visited  America  but  thought  first  of  Mount  Yernon  in 
planning  where  he  should  go  and  what  he  should  see; 


238  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

new  friends  and  old  sat  every  day  at  his  table ;  a  year 
and  a  half  had  gone  by  since  his  home-coming  before  he 
could  note  in  his  diary  (June  30th,  1785) :  "  Dined  with 
only  Mrs.  Washington,  which,  I  believe,  is  the  first  in 
stance  of  it  since  my  retirement  from  public  life" — for 
some  visitors  had  broken  their  way  even  through  the 
winter  roads.  Authors  sent  him  what  they  wrote ;  in 
ventors  submitted  their  ideas  and  models  to  him ;  every 
thing  that  was  being  said,  everything  that  was  being 
done,  seemed  to  find  its  way,  if  nowhere  else,  to  Mount 
Yernon  —  till  those  who  knew  his  occupations  could 
speak  of  Washington,  very  justly,  as  "  the  focus  of  polit 
ical  intelligence  for  the  New  World."  He  would  not 
alter  his  way  of  living  even  in  the  face  of  such  over 
whelming  interruptions.  His  guests  saw  him  for  a  lit 
tle  after  dinner,  and  once  and  again,  it  might  be,  in  the 
evening  also ;  but  he  kept  to  his  business  throughout 
all  the  working  hours  of  the  day  ;  was  at  his  desk  even 
before  breakfast,  and  after  breakfast  was  always  early 
in  the  saddle  and  off  to  his  farms. 

Only  at  table  did  he  play  the  host,  lingering  over  the 
wine  to  give  and  call  for  toasts  and  relax  in  genial  con 
versation,  losing,  as  the  months  passed  by,  some  of  the 
deep  gravity  that  had  settled  upon  him  in  the  camp, 
and  showing  once  more  an  enjoying  relish  for  "  a  pleas 
ant  story,  an  unaffected  sally  of  wit,  or  a  burlesque  de 
scription,"  as  in  the  old  days  after  hunting.  Strangers 
were  often  in  awe  of  him.  It  did  not  encourage  talk  in 
those  who  had  little  to  say  to  sit  in  the  presence  of  a 
man  who  so  looked  his  greatness  in  the  very  proportions 
of  his  strong  figure  even,  and  whose  grave  and  steady 
eyes  so  challenged  the  significance  of  what  was  said. 
Young  people  would  leave  off  dancing  and  romping 


•  I 


**  '••-*»*a**r 


WASHINGTON  IN  THE  GARDEN  AT  MOUNT  VERNON 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  239 

when  he  came  into  the  room,  and  force  him  to  with 
draw,  and  peep  at  the  fun  from  without  the  door,  unob 
served.  It 'was  only  among  his  intimates  that  he  was 
suffered  and  taken  to  be  the  simple,  straightforward, 
sympathizing  man  he  was,  exciting,  not  awe,  but  only  a 
warm  and  affectionate  allegiance.  "  The  General,  with 
a  few  glasses  of  champagne,  got  quite  merry,"  a  young 
Englishman  could  report  who  had  had  the  good  luck 
to  be  introduced  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  "and,  being 
with  his  intimate  friends,  laughed  and  talked  a  good 
deal." 

As  much  as  he  could,  he  resumed  the  old  life,  and  the 
thoughts  and  pastimes  that  had  gone  with  it.  Once 
more  he  became  the  familiar  of  his  hounds  at  the  ken 
nels,  and  followed  them  as  often  as  might  be  in  the 
hunt  at  sunrise.  He  asked  but  one  thing  of  a  horse,  as 
of  old,  "and  that  was  to  go  along.  He  ridiculed  the 
idea  that  he  could  be  unhorsed,  provided  the  animal 
kept  on  his  legs."  The  two  little  children,  a  tiny  boy 
and  a  romping,  mischievous  lassie,  not  much  bigger, 
whom  he  had  adopted  at  Jack  Custis's  death-bed,  took 
strong  hold  upon  his  heart,  and  grew  slowly  to  an  inti 
macy  with  him  such  as  few  ventured  to  claim  any  longer 
amidst  those  busy  days  in  the  guest-crowded  house.  It 
seemed  to  Lafayette  a  very  engaging  picture  when  he 
saw  Washington  and  the  little  toddling  boy  together— 
"  a  very  little  gentleman  with  a  feather  in  his  hat,  hold 
ing  fast  to  one  finger  of  the  good  General's  remarkable 
hand,  which  (so  large  that  hand!)"  was  all  the  tiny  fel 
low  could  manage.  These  children  took  Washington 
back  more  completely  than  anything  else  to  the  old 
days  when  he  had  brought  his  bride  home  with  her  own 
little  ones.  He  felt  those  days  come  back,  too,  when  he 


240  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

was  on  his  horse  in  the  open,  going  the  round  of  good 
twelve  miles  and  more  that  carried  him  to  all  the  quar 
ters  of  his  plantation. 

Once  more  he  was  the  thorough  farmer,  ransacking 
books,  when  men  and  his  own  observation  failed  him, 
to  come  at  the  best  methods  of  cultivation.  Once  more 
he  took  daily  account  of  the  character  of  his  slaves  and 
servants,  and  of  the  progress  of  their  work,  talking  with 
them  when  he  could,  and  gaining  a  personal  mastery 
over  them.  Contracts  for  work  he  drew  up  with  his 
own  hand,  with  a  minuteness  and  particularity  which 
were  sometimes  whimsical  and  shot  through  with  a 
gleam  of  grim  humor.  He  agreed  with  Philip  Barter 
that  if  he  would  serve  him  faithfully  as  gardener  and 
keep  sober  at  all  other  times,  he  would  allow  him  "  four 
dollars  at  Christmas,  with  which  to  be  drunk  four  days 
and  four  nights  ;  two  dollars  at  Easter,  to  effect  the 
same  purpose ;  two  dollars  at  Whitsuntide,  to  be  drunk 
for  two  days ;  a  dram  in  the-  morning,  and  a  drink  of 
grog  at  dinner,  at  noon";  and  the  contract  was  drawn, 
signed,  and  witnessed  with  all  formality.  Philip  no 
doubt  found  short  shrift  of  consideration  from  his 
thorough -going  master  if  there  was  any  drunkenness 
in  the  garden  beyond  the  limit  of  the  eight  days  nomi 
nated  in  the  bond,  and  found  the  contract  no  jest  in  the 
end,  for  "Washington  had  small  patience  and  no  soft 
words  for  a  breach  of  agreement,  whatever  its  kind. 
He  would  help  men  in  distress  with  a  generosity  and 
wise  choice  of  means  which  few  took  the  pains  to  exer 
cise,  but  he  had  only  sharp  rebuke  for  carelessness  or 
neglect  or  any  slackness  in  the  performance  of  a  duty. 
Men  who  had  cheated  or  sought  to  impose  upon  him 
deemed  him  harsh  and  called  him  a  hard  master,  so 


WASHINGTON   BRINGING   HIS   MOTHER   INTO   THE   BALL-ROOM, 
FREDERICKSBURG 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  241 

sharply  did  they  smart  after  he  had  reckoned  with 
them.  He  exacted  the  uttermost  farthing.  But  he 
spent  it,  with  the  other  hand,  to  relieve  genuine  suffer 
ing  and  real  want,  though  it  were  deserved  and  the  fruit 
of  a  crying  fault.  In  his  home  dealings,  as  in  every 
thing  else,  his  mind  kept  that  trait  by  which  men  had 
been  awed  in  the  camp  —  that  trick,  as  if  of  Fate,  of 
letting  every  act  come  at  its  consequences  and  its  full 
punishment  or  reward,  as  if  he  but  presided  at  a  process 
which  was  just  Nature's  own.  When  ha  succored  dis 
tress,  he  did  it  in  pity,  not  in  justice — not  excusing  fault, 
but  giving  leave  to  mercy.  If  he  urged  the  government 
to  pension  and  reward  the  soldiers  of  the  war,  who  had 
only  done  their  duty,  he  himself  set  an  example.  There 
were  black  pensioners  not  a  few  about  his  own  home 
stead.  Bishop,  his  old  body-servant,  lived  like  a  retired 
gentleman  in  his  cottage  there;  even  Nelson,  the  good 
sorrel  who  had  borne  him  so  bravely  in  the  field  till 
Yorktown,  now  went  forever  unsaddled,  free  in  his  own 
pasture. 

But,  much  as  he  loved  his  home  and  courted  retire 
ment  amidst  the  duties  of  a  planter,  the  old  life  would 
not  come  back,  was  gone  forever.  He  was  too  famous, 
and  there  was  an  end  on  't.  He  could  not  go  abroad 
without  drawing  crowds  about  him.  If  he  attended 
service  on  a  Sunday  away  from  home,  though  it  were  in 
never  so  quiet  a  parish,  the  very  walls  of  the  church 
groaned  threateningly  under  the  unaccustomed  weight 
of  people  gathered  in  the  galleries  and  packed  upon  the 
floor  to  see  the  hero  of  the  Revolution.  Not  even  a  ride 
into  the  far  west,  to  view  his  lands  and  pull  together 
his  neglected  business  on  the  Ohio,  was  long  enough  to 
take  him  beyond  the  reach  of  public  affairs.  On  the 

16 


242  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

1st  of  September,  1784,  with  Dr.  Craik  for  company,  he 
set  out  on  horseback  to  go  by  Braddock's  road  again 
into  the  west.  For  nearly  five  weeks  he  was  deep  in 
the  wilderness,  riding  close  upon  seven  hundred  miles 
through  the  forested  mountains,  and  along  the  remote 
courses  of  the  long  rivers  that  ran  into  the  Mississippi ; 
camping  out  as  in  the  old  days  when  he  was  a  surveyor 
and  a  soldier  in  his  'prenticeship  in  these  very  wilds ;  re 
newing  his  zest  for  the  rough  life  and  the  sudden  advent 
ures  of  the  frontiersman.  But,  though  he  had  come 
upon  his  own  business,  it  was  the  seat  of  a  future  em 
pire  he  saw  rather  than  his  own  acres  scattered  here 
and  there. 

When  last  he  had  ridden  the  long  stages  from  settle 
ment  to  settlement  and  cabin  to  cabin  in  this  far  coun 
try  of  the  Ohio,  he  had  been  a  Virginian  and  nothing 
more,  a  colonial  colonel  merely,  come  to  pick  out  lands 
for  his  comrades  and  himself,  their  reward  for  serving 
the  crown  against  the  French.  A  transformation  had 
been  worked  upon  him  since  then.  He  had  led  the 
armies  of  the  whole  country ;  had  been  the  chief  instru 
ment  of  a  new  nation  in  winning  independence ;  had 
carried  its  affairs  by  his  own  counsels  as  no  other  man 
had  done ;  had  seen  through  all  the  watches  of  those 
long  campaigns  the  destinies  and  the  hopes  that  were 
at  stake.  Now  he  saw  the  crowding  immigrants  come 
into  the  west  with  a  new  solicitude  he  had  not  felt  be 
fore.  A  new  vision  was  in  his  thought.  This  western 
country  was  now  a  "  rising  world,"  to  be  kept  or  lost, 
husbanded  or  squandered,  by  the  raw  nation  he  had 
helped  put  upon  its  feet.  His  thought  was  stretched  at 
last  to  a  continental  measure ;  problems  of  statesman 
ship  that  were  national,  questions  of  policy  that  had  a 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  243 

scope  great  as  schemes  of  empire,  stood  foremost  in  his 
view.  He  returned  home  more  engrossed  than  ever  by 
interests  not  his  own,  but  central  to  public  affairs,  and 
of  the  very  stuff  of  politics. 

And  so  not  the  letters  merely  which  poured  in  with 
every  mail,  not  only  his  host  of  visitors,  great  and  small 
— the  Governor  of  the  State,  the  President  of  Congress, 
foreign  noblemen,  soldiers,  diplomatists,  travellers, 
neighbors,  friends,  acquaintances,  intruders  —  but  his 
own  unbidden  thoughts  as  well,  and  the  very  sugges 
tions  of  his  own  interest  as  a  citizen  and  land-owner, 
drew  him  from  his  dreams  of  retirement  and  forced  him 
upon  the  open  stage  again.  Even  hunting  ceased  be 
fore  many  seasons  were  out.  The  savage  boar-hounds 
which  Lafayette  had  sent,  in  his  kindness,  from  the  Old 
World,  proved  too  fierce  and  great  a  breed  for  even  the 
sharp  sport  with  the  gray  fox;  the  old  hunting  com 
panions  were  gone — the  Fairfaxes  over  sea  ;  Belvoir  de 
serted  and  burned  ;  George  Mason  too  much  engaged — 
none  but  boys  and  strangers  left  to  ride  with.  'Twas 
poor  sport,  after  all,  without  the  right  sportsmen.  It 
must  needs  give  way  before  a  statesman's  cares. 

Upon  his  first  home-coming,  Washington  had  found  it 
hard  to  break  himself  of  his  habit  of  waking  very  early 
in  the  morning  with  a  sense  of  care  concerning  the  af 
fairs  of  the  day,  as  if  he  were  still  in  camp  and  in  the 
midst  of  public  duties.  Now  a  new  sense  of  responsi 
bility  possessed  him,  and  more  and  more  gained  ascen 
dency  over  him.  He  began  to  feel  a  deep  anxiety  lest  a 
weak  government  should  make  independence  little  bet 
ter  than  a  reproach,  and  the  country  should  fall  into  a 
hopeless  impotency.  At  first  he  had  been  very  san 
guine.  "  Notwithstanding  the  jealous  and  contracted 


244  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

temper  which  seems  to  prevail  in  some  of  the  States," 
he  wrote  to  Jonathan  Trumbull  in  January,  1784,  "  yet 
I  cannot  but  hope  and  believe  that  the  good  sense  of 
the  people  will  ultimately  get  the  better  of  their  preju 
dices,  and  that  order  and  sound  policy,  though  they  do 
not  come  so  soon  as  one  could  wish,  will  be  produced 
from  the  present  unsettled  and  deranged  state  of  public 
affairs.  .  .  .  Everything,  my  dear  Trumbull,  will  come 
right  at  last,  as  we  have  often  prophesied.  My  only 
fear  is  that  we  shall  lose  a  little  reputation  first."  But 
the  more  he  observed  the  temper  of  the  time,  the  more 
uneasy  he  grew.  "  Like  a  young  heir,"  he  cried, "  come 
a  little  prematurely  to  a  large  inheritance,  we  shall 
.wanton  and  run  riot  until  we  have  brought  our  reputa 
tion  to  the  brink  of  ruin,  and  then,  like  him,  shall  have 
to  labor  with  the  current  of  opinion,  when  compelled, 
perhaps,  to  do  what  prudence  and  common  policy  point 
ed  out,  as  plain  as  any  problem  in  Euclid,  in  the  first 
instance.  ...  I  think  we  have  opposed  Great  Britain, 
and  have  arrived  at  the  present  state  of  peace  and  in 
dependency,  to  very  little  purpose,  if  we  cannot  con 
quer  our  own  prejudices." 

For  the  present  he  saw  little  that  could  be  done  be 
yond  holding  up  the  hands  of  the  Congress,  and  increas 
ing,  as  it  might  prove  possible  to  do  so,  the  meagre 
powers  of  the  Confederation.  "  My  political  creed,"  he 
said,  "  is  to  be  wise  in  the  choice  of  delegates,  support 
them  like  gentlemen  while  they  are  our  representatives, 
give  them  competent  powers  for  all  federal  purposes, 
support  them  in  the  due  exercise  thereof,  and,  lastly,  to 
compel  them  to  close  attendance  in  Congress  during 
their  delegation."  But  his  thoughts  took  wider  scope  as 
the  months  passed ;  and  nothing  quickened  them  more 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  245 

than  his  western  trip.  He  saw  how  much  of  the  future 
travelled  with  those  slow  wagon  trains  of  immigrants  into 
the  west ;  realized  how  they  were  leaving  behind  them 
the  rivers  that  ran  to  the  old  ports  at  the  sea,  and  going 
down  into  the  valleys  whose  outlet  was  the  great  high 
way  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  ports  of  the  Gulf;  how 
the  great  ridge  of  the  Alleghanies  lay  piled  between 
them  and  the  older  seats  of  settlement,  with  only  here 
and  there  a  gap  to  let  a  road  through,  only  here  and 
there  two  rivers  lying  close  enough  at  their  sources  to 
link  the  east  with  the  west ;  and  the  likelihood  of  a 
separation  between  the  two  populations  seemed  to  him 
as  obvious  as  the  tilt  of  the  mountains  upon  either 
slope.  "  There  is  nothing  which  binds  one  country  or 
one  State  to  another  but  interest,"  he  said.  "  Without 
this  cement  the  western  inhabitants,  who  more  than 
probably  will  be  composed  in  a  great  degree  of  foreign 
ers,  can  have  no  predilection  for  us,  and  a  commercial 
connection  is  the  only  tie  we  can  have  upon  them." 
"  The  western  settlers,"  he  declared,  while  still  fresh 
from  the  Ohio,  "stand  as  it  were  upon  a  pivot.  The 
touch  of  a  feather  would  turn  them  any  way" — down 
the  Mississippi  to  join  their  interests  with  those  of  the 
Spaniard,  or  back  to  the  mountain  roads  and  the  head 
waters  of  the  eastern  streams,  to  make  for  themselves 
a  new  allegiance  in  the  east.  He  was  glad  to  see  the 
Spaniard  so  impolitic  as  to  close  the  Mississippi  against 
the  commerce  offered  him,  and  hoped  that  things  might 
stand  so  until  there  should  have  been  "  a  little  time  al 
lowed  to  open  and  make  easy  the  ways  between  the  At 
lantic  States  and  the  western  territory." 

The  opening  of  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Potomac  to 
navigation  had  long  been  a  favorite  object  with  Wash- 


246  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ington ;  now  it  seemed  nothing  less  than  a  necessity. 
It  had  been  part  of  the  original  scheme  of  the  old  Ohio 
Company  to  use  this  means  of  winning  a  way  for  com 
merce  through  the  mountains.  Steps  had  been  taken 
more  than  twenty  years  ago  to  act  in  the  matter  through 
private  subscription ;  and  active  measures  for  securing 
the  necessary  legislation  from  the  Assemblies  of  Vir 
ginia  and  Maryland  were  still  in  course  when  Washing 
ton  was  called  to  Cambridge  and  revolution  drew  men's 
minds  imperatively  off  from  the  business.  In  1770 
Washington  had  written  to  Jefferson  of  the  project  as 
a  means  of  opening  a  channel  for  "  the  extensive  trade 
of  a  rising  empire";  now  the  empire  of  which  he  had 
had  a  vision  was  no  longer  Britain's,  but  America's 
own,  and  it  was  become  a  matter  of  exigent  political 
necessity  to  keep  that  western  country  against  estrange 
ment,  winning  it  by  commerce  and  close  sympathy  to 
join  itself  with  the  old  colonies  in  building  up  a  free 
company  of  united  States  upon  the  great  continent. 

Already  the  west  was  astir  for  the  formation  of  new 
States.  Virginia  had  taken  the  broad  and  national 
view  of  her  duty  that  Washington  himself  held,  and 
had  ceded  to  the  Confederation  all  her  ancient  claims 
to  the  lands  that  lay  northwest  of  the  Ohio  River,  re 
serving  for  herself  only  the  fair  region  that  stretched 
south  of  that  great  stream,  from  her  own  mountains  to 
the  Mississippi.  North  Carolina  would  have  ceded  her 
western  lands  beyond  the  mountains  also,  had  they  been 
empty  and  unclaimed,  like  the  vast  territory  that  lay 
beyond  the  Ohio.  But  for  many  a  year  settlers  had 
been  crossing  the  mountains  into  those  fertile  valleys, 
and  both  this  region  and  that  which  Virginia  still  kept 
showed  many  a  clearing  now  and  many  a  rude  hamlet 


SAMPLE   PIECES   OP  THK   FAMOUS  CINCINNATI   DINNER  SET 

(Blue-and-white  china,  with  a  centre  decoration,  in  bright  colors,  of  an  angel  with  a  trumpet  carrying  the 
insignia  of  the  order) 


HEMAINS  OF   A  TEA   SET  BELONGING   TO   MRS.    WASHINGTON 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  247 

where  hardy  frontiersmen  were  making  a  new  home  for 
civilization.  Rather  than  be  handed  over  to  Congress, 
to  be  disposed  of  by  an  authority  which  no  one  else  was 
bound  to  obey,  North  Carolina's  western  settlers  de 
clared  they  would  form  a  State  of  their  own,  and  North 
Carolina  had  to  recall  her  gift  of  their  lands  to  the 
Confederation  before  their  plans  of  defiance  could  be 
checked  and  defeated.  Virginia  found  her  own  fron 
tiersmen  no  less  ready  to  take  the  initiative  in  whatever 
affair  touched  their  interest.  Spain  offered  the  United 
States  trade  at  her  ports,  but  refused  to  grant  them  the 
use  of  the  lower  courses  of  the  Mississippi,  lest  terri 
torial  aggression  should  be  pushed  too  shrewdly  in  that 
quarter ;  and  news  reached  the  settlers  beyond  the 
mountains,  in  the  far  counties  of  North  Carolina  and 
Virginia,  that  Mr.  Jay,  the  Confederation's  Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  had  proposed  to  the  Congress  to  yield 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  for  a  generation  in  ex 
change  for  trade  on  the  seas.  They  flatly  declared  they 
would  give  themselves,  and  their  lands  too,  into  the 
hands  of  England  again  rather  than  submit  to  be  so 
robbed,  cramped,  and  deserted.  The  New  England 
States,  on  their  part,  threatened  to  withdraw  from  the 
Confederation  if  treaties  were  to  be  made  to  wait  upon 
the  assent  of  frontiersmen  on  the  far  Mississippi. 

The  situation  was  full  of  menace  of  no  ordinary  sort. 
It  could  profit  the  Confederation  little  that  great  States 
like  Virginia  and  New  York  had  grown  magnanimous, 
and  were  endowing  the  Confederation  with  vast  gifts  of 
territory  in  the  west,  if  such  gifts  were  but  to  loosen 
still  further  the  already  slackened  bonds  of  the  common 
government,  leaving  settlers  in  the  unclaimed  lands  no 
allegiance  they  could  respect.  Without  a  national  gov- 


248  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ernment  spirited  and  strong  enough  to  frame  policies 
and  command  obedience,  "  we  shall  never  establish  a 
national  character  or  be  considered  as  on  a  respectable 
footing  by  the  powers  of  Europe,"  Washington  had  said 
from  the  first.  He  had  made  a  most  solemn  appeal  to 
the  States  in  his  last  circular  to  them,  ere  he  resigned 
his  commission,  urging  them  to  strengthen  the  powers 
of  Congress,  put  faction  and  jealousy  away,  and  make 
sure  of  "  an  indissoluble  union  under  one  federal  head." 
"  An  option  is  still  left  to  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica,"  he  had  told  them,  with  all  his  plain  and  stately  elo 
quence  ;  "  it  is  in  their  choice,  and  depends  upon  their 
conduct,  whether  they  will  be  respectable  and  prosper 
ous,  or  contemptible  and  miserable,  as  a  nation.  This  is 
the  time  of  their  political  probation."  The  hazards  of 
that  probation  had  been  a  burden  upon  his  heart  through 
all  the  toil  of  the  Revolution,  and  now  it  seemed  as  if 
the  States  must  needs  make  every  evil  choice  in  meet 
ing  them.  Congress  could  not  so  much  as  carry  out  the 
provisions  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  for  its  commissioners 
had  made  promises  in  the  name  of  the  States  which  the 
States  would  not  redeem.  England  consequently  re 
fused  to  keep  her  part  of  the  agreement  and  relinquish 
the  western  posts.  She  levied  commercial  war  against 
the  country,  besides,  without  fear  of  reprisal ;  for  Con 
gress  had  no  power  to  regulate  trade,  and  the  States 
were  too  jealous  of  each  other  to  .co-operate  in  this  or 
any  other  matter.  English  statesmen  had  consented  to 
give  up  the  colonies,  and  recognize  their  independence 
as  a  nation,  rather  than  face  an}^  longer  the  world  in 
arms ;  but  they  now  looked  to  see  them  presently  drop 
back  into  their  hands  again,  out  of  sheer  helplessness 
and  hopeless  division  in  counsel;  and  there  were  observ- 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  249 

ant  men  in  America  who  deemed  the  thing  possible, 
though  it  brought  an  intolerable  fire  into  their  blood  to 
think  of  it. 

Other  nations,  too,  were  fast  conceiving  a  like  con 
tempt  for  the  Confederation.  It  was  making  no  pro 
vision  for  the  payment  of  the  vast  sums  of  money  it  had 
borrowed  abroad,  in  France  and  Holland  and  Spain; 
and  it  could  not  make  any.  It  could  only  ask  the 
States  for  money,  and  must  count  itself  fortunate  to  get 
enough  to  pay  even  the  interest  on  its  debts.  It  was 
this  that  foreign  courts  were  finding  out,  that  the  Con 
federation  was  a  mere  "  government  of  supplication,"  as 
Kandolph  had  dubbed  it ;  and  its  credit  broke  utterly 
down.  Frenchman  and  Spaniard  alike  would  only  have 
laughed  in  contemptuous  derision  to  see  the  whole  fabric 
go  to  pieces,  and  were  beginning  to  interest  themselves 
with  surmises  as  to  what  plunder  it  would  afford.  The 
States  which  lay  neighbors  to  each  other  were  embroiled 
in  boundary  disputes,  and  were  fallen  to  levying  duties 
on  each  other's  commerce.  They  were  individually  in 
debt,  besides,  and  were  many  of  them  resorting  to  issues 
of  irredeemable  paper  money  to  relieve  themselves  of 
the  inevitable  taxation  that  must  sooner  or  later  pay 
their  reckonings.  "  We  are  either  a  united  people,  or 
we  are  not  so,"  cried  Washington.  "If  the  former,  let 
us  in  all  matters  of  general  concern  act  as  a  nation 
which  has  a  national  character  to  support ;  if  we  are 
not,  let  us  no  longer  act  a  farce  by  pretending  to  it." 
As  the  months  passed  it  began  to  look  as  if  the  farce 
might  be  turned  into  a  tragedy. 

The  troubles  of  the  country,  though  he  filled  his  let 
ters  with  them  and  wrung  his  heart  for  phrases  of  pro 
test  and  persuasion  that  would  tell  effectually  in  the 


250  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

deep  labor  of  working  out  the  sufficient  remedy  of  a 
roused  and  united  opinion,  though  he  deemed  them  per 
sonal  to  himself,  and  knew  his  own  fame  in  danger  to  be 
undone  by  them,  did  not  break  the  steady  self-possession 
of  Washington's  life  at  Mount  Yernon.  "  It's  astonish 
ing  the  packets  of  letters  that  daily  come  for  him,  from 
all  parts  of  the  world,"  exclaimed  an  English  visitor; 
but  it  was  not  till  he  had  struggled  to  keep  pace  with 
his  correspondence  unassisted  for  a  year  and  a  half  that 
he  employed  a  secretary  to  help  him.  "Letters  of 
friendship  require  no  study,"  he  wrote  to  General  Knox ; 
"the  communications  are  easy,  and  allowances  are  ex 
pected  and  made.  This  is  not  the  case  with  those  that 
require  researches,  consideration,  recollection,  and  the 
de — 1  knows  what  to  prevent  error,  and  to  answer  the 
ends  for  which  they  are  written."  He  grew  almost  doc 
ile,  nevertheless,  under  the  gratuitous  tasks  of  courtesy 
thrust  upon  him.  His  gallantry,  bred  in  him  since  a 
boy,  the  sense  of  duty  to  which  he  was  born,  his  feel 
ing  that  what  he  had  done  had  in  some  sort  committed 
him  to  serve  his  countrymen  and  his  friends  every 
where,  though  it  were  only  in  answering  questions,  dis 
posed  him  to  sacrifice  his  comfort  and  his  privacy  to 
every  one  who  had  the  slightest  claim  upon  his  atten 
tion.  He  even  found  sitting  for  his  portrait  grow  easy 
at  last.  "  In  for  a  penny,  in  for  a  pound,  is  an  old 
adage,"  he  laughed,  writing  to  Francis  Hopkinson.  "  I 
am  so  hackneyed  to  the  touches  of  the  painter's  pencil 
that  I  am  now  altogether  at  their  beck ;  and  sit  '  like 
Patience  on  a  monument'  whilst  they  are  delineating 
the  lines  of  my  face.  ...  At  first  I  was  as  impatient  at 
the  request,  and  as  restive  under  the  operation,  as  a  colt 
is  of  the  saddle.  The  next  time  I  submitted  very  re- 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  251 

luctantly,  but  with  less  flouncing.  Now  no  dray-horse 
moves  more  readily  to  his  thill  than  I  do  to  the  painter's 
chair."  Besides  the  failure  of  the  public  credit,  it  con 
cerned  him  to  note  the  fact  that,  though  he  kept  a  hun 
dred  cows,  he  was  obliged  to  buy  butter  for  his  innu 
merable  guests.  He  saw  to  it  that  there  should  be  at 
least  a  very  definite  and  efficient  government  upon  his 
own  estate,  and,  when  there  was  need,  put  his  own  hand 
to  the  work.  He  "often  works  with  his  men  himself — 
strips  off  his  coat  and  labors  like  a  common  man,"  meas 
ures  with  his  own  hands  every  bit  of  building  or  con 
struction  that  is  going  forward,  and  "  shows  a  great  turn 
for  mechanics,"  one  of  his  guests  noted,  amidst  com 
ments  on  his  greatness  and  his  gracious  dignity.  It  was 
such  constancy  and  candor  and  spirit  in  living  that  took 
the  admiration  of  all  men  alike  upon  the  instant;  and 
his  neighbors  every  day  saw  here  the  same  strenuous 
and  simple  gentleman  they  had  known  before  ever  the 
war  began. 

It  was  through  the  opening  of  the  Potomac,  after  all 
—the  thing  nearest  his  hand — that  a  way  was  found  to 
cure  the  country  of  its  malady  of  weakness  and  disorder. 
Washington  had  been  chosen  president  of  the  Potomac 
Company,  that  it  might  have  the  advantage  both  of  his 
name  and  of  his  capacity  in  affairs ;  and  he  had  gone 
upon  a  tour  of  inspection,  with  the  directors  of  the  com 
pany,  to  the  falls  of  the  river  in  the  summer  of  1785, 
keeping  steadily  to  the  business  he  had  come  upon,  and 
insisting  upon  being  in  fact  a  private  gentleman  busy 
with  his  own  affairs,  despite  the  efforts  made  everywhere 
he  went  to  see  and  to  entertain  him ;  and  it  presently 
became  evident  even  to  the  least  sanguine  that  the 
long-talked-of  work  was  really  to  be  carried  through.  A 


252  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 


visitor  at  Mount  Yernon  in  the  autumn  of  1785  found 
Washington  "  quite  pleased  at  the  idea  of  the  Baltimore 
merchants  laughing  at  him,  and  saying  it  was  a  ridicu 
lous  plan,  and  would  never  succeed.  They  begin  now, 
says  the  General,  to  look  a  little  serious  about  the  mat 
ter,  as  they  know  it  must  hurt  their  commerce  amaz- 
ingly." 

The  scheme  had  shown  its  real  consequence  in  the 
spring  of  that  very  year,  when  it  brought  commissioners 
from  the  two  States  that  lay  upon  the  river  together  in 
conference  to  devise  plans  of  co-operation.  Both  Vir 
ginia  and  Maryland  had  appointed  commissioners,  and 
a  meeting  had  been  set  for  March,  1785,  at  Alexandria. 
For  some  reason  the  Virginian  commissioners  were  not 
properly  notified  of  the  place  and  time  of  conference. 
The  meeting  was  held,  nevertheless,  a  minority  of  the 
Virginian  commissioners  being  present ;  and,  as  if  to 
give  it  more  the  air  of  a  cordial  conference  of  neigh 
bors,  Washington  invited  the  representatives  of  both 
States  to  adjourn  from  Alexandria  to  Mount  Vernon. 
There  they  sat,  his  guests,  from  Friday  to  Monday.  He 
was  not  formally  of  the  commission  ;  but  conference 
was  not  confined  to  their  formal  sessions,  and  his  coun 
sel  entered  into  their  determinations.  It  was  evident 
that  two  States  were  not  enough  to  decide  the  questions 
submitted  to  them.  Pennsylvania,  at  least,  must  be 
consulted  before  the  full  line  of  trade  they  sought  could 
be  drawn  from  the  head  -  waters  of  the  Ohio  to  the 
head  -  waters  of  the  Potomac ;  and  if  three  States 
were  to  consult  upon  questions  of  trade  which  con 
cerned  the  whole  continent,  why  should  not  more  be 
invited,  and  the  conference  be  made  general?  Such 
was  the  train  of  suggestion,  certainly,  that  ran  in 


FIRST   IN  PEACE  253 

Washington's  mind,  and  which  the  commissioners  car 
ried  home  with  them.  Every  sign  of  the  time  served  to 
deepen  its  significance  for  Washington.  Just  before 
quitting  the  army  he  had  ridden  upon  a  tour  of  inspec 
tion  into  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk,  where  a  natural 
way,  like  this  of  the  Potomac,  ran  from  the  northern 
settlements  into  the  west.  He  knew  that  the  question 
of  joining  the  Potomac  with  the  Ohio  was  but  one 
item  of  a  policy  which  all  the  States  must  consider  and 
settle — nothing  less  than  the  policy  which  must  make 
them  an  empire  or  doom  them  to  remain  a  weak  and 
petty  confederacy. 

The  commissioners  did  not  put  all  that  they  had 
heard  at  Mount  Yernon  into  their  reports  to  their  re 
spective  Assemblies.  They  recommended  only  that, 
besides  co-operating  with  each  other  and  with  Penn 
sylvania  in  opening  a  wa}T  to  the  western  waters,  Vir 
ginia  and  Maryland  should  adopt  a  uniform  system 
of  duties  and  of  commercial  regulations,  and  should  es 
tablish  uniform  rules  regarding  their  currency.  But 
the  Maryland  Assembly  itself  went  further.  It  pres 
ently  informed  the  Virginian  Legislature  that  it  had 
not  only  adopted  the  measures  recommended  by  the 
commissioners,  but  thought  it  wise  to  do  something 
more.  Delaware  ought  to  be  consulted,  with  a  view  to 
carrying  a  straight  watercourse,  by  canal,  from  Chesa 
peake  Bay  to  the  Delaware  River;  and,  since  conference 
could  do  no  harm  and  bind  nobody,  it  would  be  as  well 
to  invite  all  the  States  to  confer  with  them,  for  the 
questions  involved  seemed  far-reaching  enough  to  justify 
it,  if  not  to  make  it  necessary.  Governor  Bowdoin,  of 
Massachusetts,  had  that  very  year  urged  his  Legislature 
to  invite  a  general  convention  of  the  States  in  the  in- 


254  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

terest  of  trade.  The  whole  country  was  in  a  tangle  of 
disagreement  about  granting  to  Congress  the  power  to 
lay  imposts ;  Gardoqui,  it  was  rumored,  was  insisting, 
for  Spain,  upon  closing  the  Mississippi :  'twas  evident 
enough  conference  was  needed.  Every  thoughtful  man 
might  well  pray  that  it  would  bring  peace  and  accom 
modation.  When  Maryland's  suggestion  was  read  in 
the  Virginian  Assembly,  there  was  prompt  acquiescence. 
Virginia  asked  all  the  States  of  the  Union  (January, 
1786)  to  send  delegates  to  a  general  conference  to  be 
held  at  Annapolis  on  the  first  Monday  in  September,  to 
consider  and  recommend  such  additions  to  the  powers 
of  Congress  as  might  conduce  to  a  better  regulation  of 
trade.  "  There  is  more  wickedness  than  ignorance  in 
the  conduct  of  the  States,  or,  in  other  words,  in  the 
conduct  of  those  who  have  too  much  influence  in  the 
government  of  them,"  Washington  wrote  hotly  to 
Henry  Lee,  upon  hearing  to  what  lengths  contempt  of 
the  authority  of  Congress  had  been  carried  ;  "  and  until 
the  curtain  is  withdrawn,  and  the  private  views  and 
selfish  principles  upon  which  these  men  act  are  exposed 
to  public  notice,  I  have  little  hope  of  amendment  with 
out  another  convulsion."  Perhaps  the  conference  at 
Annapolis  would  withdraw  the  curtain  and  give  the 
light  leave  to  work  a  purification ;  and  he  waited  anx 
iously  for  the  issue. 

But  when  the  commissioners  assembled  they  found 
only  five  States  represented — Virginia,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  New  Jersey,  and  New  York.  Maryland  had 
suddenly  fallen  indifferent,  and  had  not  appointed  dele 
gates.  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
and  North  Carolina  had  appointed  delegates,  but  they 
had  not  taken  the  trouble  to  come.  Connecticut,  South 


FIRST  IN   PEACE  255 

Carolina,  and  Georgia  had  ignored  the  call  altogether. 
The  delegates  who  were  in  attendance,  besides,  had 
come  with  only  the  most  jealously  restricted  powers; 
only  New  Jersey,  in  her  great  uneasiness  at  being 
neighbor  to  the  powerful  States  of  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania,  had  authorized  -her  representatives  to 
"  consider  how  far  a  uniform  system  in  their  commercial 
regulations  and  other  important  matters  might  be  neces 
sary  to  the  common  interest  and  permanent  harmony 
of  the  several  States."  The  other  delegates  had  no 
such  scope ;  all  deemed  it  futile  to  attempt  their  busi 
ness  in  so  small  a  convention ;  and  it  was  resolved  to 
make  another  opportunity.  Alexander  Hamilton,  of 
New  York,  drew  up  their  address  to  the  States,  and  in 
it  made  bold  to  adopt  New  Jersey's  hint,  and  ask  for  a 
conference  which  should  not  merely  consider  questions 
of  trade,  but  also  "devise  such  further  provisions  as 
should  appear  to  them  necessary  to  render  the  constitu 
tion  of  the  federal  government  adequate  to  the  exigen 
cies  of  the  Union."  Hamilton  held  with  Washington 
for  a  national  government.  He  had  been  born,  and 
bred  as  a  lad,  in  the  West  Indies,  and  had  never  re 
ceived  the  local  pride  of  any  colony-state  into  his  blood. 
He  had  served  with  the  army,  too,  in  close  intimacy 
with  Washington,  and,  though  twenty -five  years  his  cap 
tain's  junior,  had  seen  as  clearly  as  he  saw  the  deep 
hazards  of  a  nation's  birth. 

The  Congress  was  indifferent,  if  not  hostile,  to  the 
measures  which  the  address  proposed ;  and  the  States 
would  have  acted  on  the  call  as  slackly  as  before,  had 
not  the  winter  brought  with  it  something  like  a  threat 
of  social  revolution,  and  fairly  startled  them  out  of  their 
negligent  humor.  The  central  counties  of  Massachu- 


256  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

setts  broke  into  violent  rebellion,  under  one  Shays,  a 
veteran  of  the  Revolution — not  to  reform  the  govern 
ment,  but  to  rid  themselves  of  it  altogether;  to  shut 
the  courts  and  escape  the  payment  of  debts  and  taxes. 
The  insurgents  worked  their  will  for  weeks  together; 
drove  out  the  officers  of  the  law,  burned  and  plun 
dered  at  pleasure  through  whole  districts,  living  upon 
the  land  like  a  hostile  army,  and  were  brought  to  a 
reckoning  at  last  only  when  a  force  thousands  strong 
had  been  levied  against  them.  The  contagion  spread 
to  Vermont  and  New  Hampshire ;  and,  even  when 
the  outbreak  had  been  crushed,  the  States  concerned 
were  irresolute  in  the  punishment  of  the  leaders. 
Khode  Island  declared  her  sympathy  with  the  insur 
gents  ;  Vermont  offered  them  asylum ;  Massachusetts 
brought  the  leaders  to  trial  and  conviction  only  to  par 
don  and  set  them  free  again.  Congress  dared  do  no 
more  than  make  covert  preparation  to  check  a  general 
rising.  "  You  talk,  my  good  sir,"  wrote  Washington  to 
Henry  Lee,  in  Congress,  "of  employing  influence  to 
appease  the  present  tumults  in  Massachusetts.  I  know 
not  where  that  influence  is  to  be  found,  or,  if  attainable, 
that  it  would  be  a  proper  remedy  for  the  disorders. 
Influence  is  no  government.  Let  us  have  one  by  which 
our  lives,  liberties,  and  properties  will  be  secured,  or  let 
us  know  the  worst  at  once."  It  was  an  object-lesson 
for  the  whole  country  ;  the  dullest  and  the  most  lethar 
gic  knew  now  what  slack  government  and  financial  dis 
order  would  produce.  The  States  one  and  all — save 
Rhode  Island — bethought  them  of  the  convention  called 
to  meet  in  Philadelphia  on  the  second  Monday  in  May, 
1787,  and  delegates  were  appointed.  Even  Congress  took 
the  lesson  to  heart,  and  gave  its  sanction  to  the  conference. 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  257 

The  Legislature  of  Virginia  put  Washington's  name 
at  the  head  of  its  own  list  of  delegates,  and  after  his 
name  the  names  of  Patrick  Henry,  Edmund  Kandolph, 
John  Blair,  James  Madison,  George  Mason,  and  George 
Wythe — the  leading  names  of  the  State,  no  man  could 
doubt.  But  Washington  hesitated.  He  had  already  de 
clined  to  meet  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  in  Phila 
delphia  about  the  same  time,  he  said,  and  thought  it 
would  be  disrespectful  to  that  body,  to  whom  he  owed 
much,  "  to  be  there  on  any  other  occasion."  He  even 
hinted  a  doubt  whether  the  convention  was  constitu 
tional,  its  avowed  purposes  being  what  they  were,  until 
Congress  tardily  sanctioned  it.  His  real  reason  his  in 
timate  friends  must  have  divined  from  the  first.  They 
knew  him  better  in  such  matters  than  he  knew  himself. 
He  not  only  loved  his  retirement ;  he  deemed  himself 
a  soldier  and  man  of  action,  and  no  statesman.  The 
floor  of  assemblies  had  never  seemed  to  him  his  princi 
pal  sphere  of  duty.  He  had  thought  of  staying  away 
from  the  House  of  Burgesses  on  private  business  twenty 
years  ago,  when  he  knew  that  the  Stamp  Act  was  to  be 
debated.  But  it  was  not  for  the  floor  of  the  approach 
ing  convention  that  his  friends  wanted  him ;  they  told 
him  from  the  first  he  must  preside.  He  was  known  to 
be  in  favor  of  giving  the  Confederation  powers  that 
would  make  it  a  real  government,  and  he  thought  that 
enough ;  but  they  wanted  the  whole  country  to  see  him 
pledged  to  the  actual  work,  and,  when  they  had  per 
suaded  him  to  attend,  knew  that  they  had  at  any  rate 
won  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  their  patriotic  pur 
pose.  His  mere  presence  would  give  them  power. 

Washington  and  the  other  Virginians  were  prompt 
to  be  in  Philadelphia  on  the  day  appointed,  but  only 
17 


258  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

the  Pennsylvania!!  delegates  were  there  to  meet  them. 
They  had  to  wait  an  anxious  week  before  so  many  as 
seven  States  were  represented.  Meanwhile,  those  who 
gathered  from  day  to  day  were  nervous  and  appre 
hensive,  and  there  was  talk  of  compromise  and  half 
way  measures,  should  the  convention  prove  weak  or 
threaten  to  miscarry.  They  remembered  for  many  a 
long  year  afterwards  how  nobly  Washington,  "  standing 
self-collected  in  the  midst  of  them,"  had  uttered  brave 
counsels  of  wisdom  in  their  rebuke.  "  It  is  too  prob 
able,"  he  said,  "  that  no  plan  we  propose  will  be  adopt 
ed.  Perhaps  another  dreadful  conflict  is  to  be  sustained. 
If,  to  please  the  people,  we  offer  what  we  ourselves 
disapprove,  how  can  we  afterwards  defend  our  work? 
Let  us  raise  a  standard  to  which  the  wise  and  honest 
can  repair.  The  event  is  in  the  hand  of  God."  It 
was  an  utterance,  they  knew,  not  of  statesmanship 
merely,  but  of  character ;  and  it  was  that  character,  if 
anything  could,  that  would  win  the  people  to  their  sup 
port.  When  at  last  seven  States  were  represented — a 
quorum  of  the  thirteen — an  organization  was  effected, 
and  Washington  unanimously  chosen  president  of  the 
convention.  He  spoke,  when  led  to  the  chair,  "  of  the 
novelty  of  the  scene  of  business  in  which  he  was  to  act, 
lamented  his  want  of  better  qualifications,  and  claimed 
the  indulgence  of  the  house  towards  the  involuntary 
errors  which  his  inexperience  might  occasion";  but  no 
mere  parliamentarian  could  have  given  that  anxious 
body  such  steadiness  in  business  or  such  grave  earnest 
ness  in  counsel  as  it  got  from  his  presence  and  influence 
in  the  chair.  Five  more  States  were  in  attendance  be 
fore  deliberation  was  very  far  advanced  ;  but  he  had  the 
satisfaction  to  see  his  own  friends  lead  upon  the  floor. 


FIRST  IN  PEACE  259 

It  was  the  plan  which  Edmund  Randolph  proposed,  for 
his  fellow  Virginians,  which  the  convention  accepted  as 
a  model  to  work  from ;  it  was  James  Madison,  that 
young  master  of  counsel,  who  guided  the  deliberations 
from  day  to  day,  little  as  he  showed  his  hand  in  the 
work  or  seemed  to  put  himself  forward  in  debate.  No 
speeches  came  from  the  president ;  only  once  or  twice 
did  he  break  the  decorum  of  his  office  to  temper  some 
difference  of  opinion  or  facilitate  some  measure  of  ac 
commodation.  It  was  the  17th  of  September  when  the 
convention  at  last  broke  up ;  the  19th  when  the  Consti 
tution  it  had  wrought  out  was  published  to  the  country. 
All  the  slow  summer  through,  Washington  had  kept 
counsel  with  the  rest  as  to  the  anxious  work  that  was 
going  forward  behind  the  closed  doors  of  the  long  con 
ference  ;  it  was  a  grateful  relief  to  be  rid  of  the  painful 
strain,  and  he  returned  to  Mount  Yernon  like  one  whose 
part  in  the  work  was  done. 

"  I  never  saw  him  so  keen  for  anything  in  my  life  as 
he  is  for  the  adoption  of  the  new  scheme  of  govern 
ment,"  wrote  a  visitor  at  Mount  Yernon  to  Jefferson ; 
but  he  took  no  other  part  than  his  correspondence  af 
forded  him  in  the  agitation  for  its  acceptance.  Through 
out  all  those  long  four  months  in  Philadelphia  he  had 
given  his  whole  mind  and  energy  to  every  process  of 
difficult  counsel  by  which  it  had  been  wrought  to  com 
pletion  ;  but  he  was  no  politician.  Earnestly  as  he  com 
mended  the  plan  to  his  friends,  he  took  no  public  part 
either  in  defence  or  in  advocacy  of  it.  He  read  not  only 
the  Federalist  papers,  in  which  Hamilton  and  Madison 
and  Jay  made  their  masterly  plea  for  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  but  also  "  every  performance  which 
has  been  printed  on  the  one  side  and  the  other  on  the 


260  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

great  question,"  he  said,  so  far  as  he  was  able  to  obtain 
them ;  and  he  felt  as  poignantly  as  any  man  the  deep 
excitement  of  the  momentous  contest.  It  disturbed  him 
keenly  to  find  George  Mason  opposing  the  Constitution 
— the  dear  friend  from  whom  he  had  always  accepted 
counsel  hitherto  in  public  affairs — and  Eichard  Henry 
Lee  and  Patrick  Henry,  too,  in  their  passionate  attach 
ment  to  what  they  deemed  the 'just  sovereignty  of  Vir 
ginia.  He  could  turn  away  with  all  his  old  self-pos 
session,  nevertheless,  to  discuss  questions  of  culture  and 
tillage,  in  the  midst  of  the  struggle,  with  Arthur  Young 
over  sea,  and  to  write  very  gallant  compliments  to  the 
Marquis  de  Chastellux  on  his  marriage.  "  So  your  day 
has  at  length  come,"  he  laughed.  "  I  am  glad  of  it  with 
all  my  heart  and  soul.  It  is  quite  good  enough  for  you. 
Now  you  are  well  served  for  coming  to  fight  in  favor  of 
the  American  rebels  all  the  way  across  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  by  catching  that  terrible  contagion — domestic 
felicity — which,  like  the  small-pox  or  the  plague,  a  man 
can  have  only  once  in  his  life,  because  it  commonly  lasts 
him  (at  least  with  us  in  America  —  I  don't  know  how 
you  manage  such  matters  in  France)  for  his  whole  life 
time." 

Ten  months  of  deep  but  quiet  agitation  —  the  forces 
of  opinion  in  close  grapple — and  the  future  seemed  to 
clear.  The  Constitution  was  adopted,  only  two  States 
dissenting.  It  had  been  a  tense  and  stubborn  fight :  in 
such  States  as  Massachusetts  and  New  York,  the  con 
certed  action  of  men  at  the  centres  of  trade  against  the 
instinctive  dread  of  centralization  or  change  in  the  re 
gions  that  lay  back  from  the  rivers  and  the  sea ;  in  States 
like  Virginia,  where  the  mass  of  men  waited  to  be  led, 
the  leaders  who  had  vision  against  those  who  had 


FIRST   IN  PEACE  261 

only  the  slow  wisdom  of  caution  and  presentiment. 
But,  though  she  acted  late  in  the  business,  and  some 
home-keeping  spirits  among  even  her  greater  men  held 
back,  Virginia  did  not  lose  the  place  of  initiative  she 
had  had  in  all  this  weighty  business  of  reform.  Some 
thing  in  her  air  or  her  life  had  given  her  in  these  latter 
years  an  extraordinary  breed  of  public  men — men  liber 
ated  from  local  prejudice,  possessed  of  a  vision  and  an 
efficacy  in  affairs  worthy  of  the  best  traditions  of  states 
manship  among  the  English  race  from  which  they  were 
sprung,  capable  of  taking  the  long  view,  of  seeing  the 
permanent  lines  of  leadership  upon  great  questions,  and 
shaping  ordinary  views  to  meet  extraordinary  ends. 
Even  Henry  and  Mason  could  take  their  discomfiture 
gracefully,  loyally,  like  men  bred  to  free  institutions; 
and  Washington  had  the  deep  satisfaction  to  see  his 
State  come  without  hesitation  to  his  view  and  hope. 

The  new  Constitution  made  sure  of,  and  a  time  set  by 
Congress  for  the  elections  and  the  organization  of  a  new 
government  under  it,  the  country  turned  as  one  man 
to  Washington  to  be  the  first  President  of  the  United 
States.  "  We  cannot,  sir,  do  without  you,"  cried  Gov 
ernor  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  "  and  I  and  thousands  more 
can  explain  to  anybody  but  yourself  why  we  cannot 
do  without  you."  To  make  any  one  else  President,  it 
seemed  to  men  everywhere,  would  be  like  crowning  a 
subject  while  the  king  was  by.  But  Washington  held 
back,  as  he  had  held  back  from  attending  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention.  He  doubted  his  civil  capacity,  called 
himself  an  old  man,  said  "it  would  be  to  forego  repose 
and  domestic  enjoyment  for  trouble,  perhaps  for  public 
obloquy."  "  The  acceptance,"  he  declared.  "  would  be 
attended  with  more  diffidence  and  reluctance  than  I 


262  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

ever  experienced  before  in  my  life."  But  he  was  not 
permitted  to  decline.  Hamilton  told  him  that  his  at 
tendance  upon  the  Constitutional  Convention  must  be 
taken  to  h&ve  pledged  him  in  the  view  of  the  country  to 
take  part  also  in  the  formation  of  the  government.  "  In 
a  matter  so  essential  to  the  well-being  of  society  as  the 
prosperity  of  a  newly  instituted  government,"  said  the 
great  advocate,  "a  citizen  of  so  much  consequence  as 
yourself  to  its  success  has  no  option  but  to  lend  his  ser 
vices,  if  called  for.  Permit  me  to  say  it  would  be  in 
glorious,  in  such  a  situation,  not  to  hazard  the  glory, 
however  great,  which  he  might  have  previously  ac 
quired." 

Washington  of  course  yielded,  like  the  simple-minded 
gentleman  and  soldier  he  was,  when  it  was 'made  thus  a 
matter  of  duty.  When  the  votes  of  the  electors  were 
opened  in  the  new  Congress,  and  it  was  found  that  they 
were  one  and  all  for  him,  he  no  longer  doubted.  He 
did  not  know  how  to  decline  such  a  call,  and  turned 
with  all  his  old  courage  to  the  new  task. 


THE   FIRST   PRESIDENT   OF   THE 
UNITED    STATES 


CHAPTER   X 

THE  members  of  the  new  Congress  were  so  laggard 
in  coming  together  that  it  was  the  6th  of  April,  1789, 
before  both  Houses  could  count  a  quorum,  though  the 
4th  of  March  had  been  appointed  the  day  for  their 
convening.  Their  first  business  was  the  opening  and 
counting  of  the  electoral  votes ;  and  on  the  7th  Charles 
Thomson,  the  faithful  and  sedulous  gentleman  who  had 
been  clerk  of  every  congress  since  that  first  one  in  the 
old  colonial  days  fifteen  years  ago,  got  away  on  his 
long  ride  to  Mount  Yernon  to  notify  Washington  of  his 
election.  Affairs  waited  upon  the  issue  of  his  errand. 
Washington  had  for  long  known  what  was  coming,  and 
was  ready  and  resolute,  as  of  old.  There  had  been  no 
formal  nominations  for  the  presidency,  and  the  votes 
of  the  electors  had  lain  under  seal  till  the  new  Congress 
met  and  found  a  quorum ;  but  it  was  an  open  secret 
who  had  been  chosen  President,  and  Washington  had 
made  up  his  mind  what  to  do.  Mr.  Thomson  reached 
Mount  Yernon  on  the  14th,  and  found  Washington 
ready  to  obey  his  summons  at  once.  He  waited  only 
for  a  hasty  ride  to  Fredericksburg  to  bid  his  aged 
mother  farewell.  She  was  not  tender  in  the  parting. 
Her  last  days  had  come,  and  she  had  set  herself  to  bear 
with  grim  resolution  the  fatal  disease  that  had  long 
been  upon  her.  She  had  never  been  tender,  and  these 


266  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

latter  days  had  added  their  touch  of  hardness.  But  it 
was  a  tonic  to  her  son  to  take  her  farewell,  none  the 
less  ;  to  hear  her  once  more  bid  him  God-speed,  and 
once  more  command  him,  as  she  did,  to  his  duty.  On 
the  morning  of  the  16th  he  took  the  northern  road 
again,  as  so  often  before,  and  pressed  forward  on  the 
way  for  New  York. 

The  setting  out  was  made  with  a  very  heavy  heart; 
for  duty  had  never  seemed  to  him  so  unattractive  as  it 
seemed  now,  and  his  diffidence  had  never  been  so  dis 
tressing.  "  For  myself  the  delay  may  be  compared  to 
a  reprieve,"  he  had  written  to  Knox,  when  he  learned 
how  slow  Congress  was  in  coming  together,  "  for  in 
confidence  I  tell  you  that  my  movements  to  the  chair 
of  government  will  be  accompanied  by  feelings  not 
unlike  those  of  a  culprit  who  is  going  to  the  place  of 
execution."  When  the  day  for  his  departure  came,  his 
diary  spoke  the  same  heaviness  of  heart.  "  About  ten 
o'clock,"  he  wrote,  "  I  bade  adieu  to  Mount  Yernon,  to 
private  life,  and  to  domestic  felicity ;  and,  with  a  mind 
oppressed  with  more  anxious  and  painful  sensations 
than  I  have  words  to  express,  set  out  for  New  York." 
He  did  not  doubt  that  he  was  doing  right ;  he  doubted 
his  capacity  in  civil  affairs,  and  loved  the  sweet  retire 
ment  and  the  free  life  he  was  leaving  behind  him. 
Grief  and  foreboding  did  not  in  the  least  relax  his 
proud  energy  and  promptness  in  action.  He  was  not 
a  whit  the  less  resolute  to  attempt  this  new  role,  and 
stretch  his  powers  to  the  uttermost  to  play  it  in  master 
ful  fashion.  He  was  only  wistful  and  full  of  a  sort 
of  manly  sadness  ;  lacking  not  resolution,  but  only 
alacrity. 

He  had  hoped  to  the  last  that  he  would  be  suffered 


THOMSON,  THE   CLEHK   OF   CONGRESS,  ANNOUNCING   TO  WASHINGTON, 
AT  MOUNT  VERNON,    HIS   ELECTION  TO   THE  PRESIDENCY 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES       267 

to  spend  the  rest  of  his  days  at  Mount  Yernon;  he 
knew  the  place  must  lack  efficient  keeping,  and  fall 
once  more  out  of  repair  under  hired  overseers ;  he  feared 
his  strength  would  be  spent  and  his  last  years  come  ere 
he  could  return  to  look  to  it  and  enjoy  it  himself  again, 
lie  had  but  just  now  been  obliged  to  borrow  a  round 
sum  of  money  to  meet  pressing  obligations ;  and  the 
expenses  of  this  very  journey  had  made  it  necessary  to 
add  a  full  hundred  pounds  to  the  new  debt.  If  the 
estate  brought  money  so  slowly  in  while  he  farmed 
it,  he  must  count  upon  its  doing  even  less  while  he  was 
away ;  and  yet  he  had  determined  to  accept  no  salary 
as  President,  but  only  his  necessary  expenses  while  in 
the  discharge  of  his  official  duties,  as  in  the  old  days 
of  the  war.  It  had  brought  distressing  perplexities 
upon  him  to  be  thus  drawn  from  his  private  business 
to  serve  the  nation.  Private  cares  passed  off,  no  doubt, 
and  were  forgotten  as  the  journey  lengthened.  But 
the  other  anxiety,  how  he  should  succeed  in  this  large 
business  of  statesmanship  to  which  he  had  been  called, 
did  not  pass  off;  the  incidents  of  that  memorable  ride 
only  served  to  heighten  it.  When  he  had  ridden  to 
Cambridge  that  anxious  summer  of  1775,  he  had  been 
hailed  by  cheering  crowds  upon  the  way,  who  admired 
the  fine  figure  he  made,  and  shouted  for  the  cause  he 
was  destined  to  lead ;  but  he  knew  himself  a  soldier 
then,  was  but  forty-three,  and  did  not  fear  to  find  his 
duty  uncongenial.  The  people  had  loved  him  and  had 
thronged  about  him  with  looks  and  words  it  had  quick 
ened  his  heart  to  see  and  hear  as  he  made  his  way  from 
New  York  to  Annapolis  to  resign  his  commission  but 
six  years  ago ;  but  that  was  upon  the  morrow  of  a  task 
accomplished,  and  the  plaudits  he  heard  upon  the  way 


268  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

were  but  greetings  to  speed  him  the  more  happily 
homeward.  Things  stood  very  differently  now.  Though 
he  felt  himself  grown  old,  he  had  come  out  to  meet  a 
.hope  he  could  not  share,  and  it  struck  a  subtle  pain  to 
his  heart  that  the  people  should  so  trust  him — should 
give  him  so  royal  a  progress  as  he  fared  on  his  way  to 
attempt  an  untried  task. 

No  king  in  days  of  kings'  divinity  could  have  looked 
for  so  heartfelt  a  welcome  to  his  throne  as  this  modest 
gentleman  got  to  the  office  he  feared  to  take.  Not  only 
were  there  civil  fete  and  military  parade  at  every  stage 
of  the  journey ;  there  was  everywhere,  besides,  a  run 
ning  together  from  all  the  country  roundabout  of  peo 
ple  who  bore  themselves  not  as  mere  sight-seers,  but  as 
if  they  had  come  out  of  love  for  the  man  they  were  to 
see  pass  by.  It  was  not  their  numbers  but  their  manner 
that  struck  their  hero  with  a  new  sense  of  responsibil 
ity  :  their  earnest  gaze,  their  unpremeditated  cries  of 
welcome,  their  simple  joy  to  see  the  new  government 
put  into  the  hands  of  a  man  they  perfectly  trusted.  He 
was  to  be  their  guarantee  of  its  good  faith,  of  its  respect 
for  law  and  its  devotion  to  liberty ;  and  they  made  him 
know  their  hope  and  their  confidence  in  the  very  tone  of 
their  greeting.  There  was  the  manifest  touch  of  love  in 
the  reception  everywhere  prepared  for  him.  Refined 
women  broke  their  reserve  to  greet  him  in  the  open 
road ;  put  their  young  daughters  forward,  in  their  en 
thusiasm,  to  strew  roses  before  him  in  the  way ;  brought 
tears  to  his  eyes  by  the  very  artlessness  of  their  affec 
tion.  When  at  last  the  triumphal  journey  was  ended, 
the  display  of  every  previous  stage  capped  and  outdone 
by  the  fine  pageant  of  his  escort  of  boats  from  Newark 
and  of  his  reception  at  the  ferry  stairs  in  New  York, 


-— 


THE  FIRST   PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES       269 

the  demonstration  seemed  almost  more  than  he  could 
bear.  "  The  display  of  boats  which  attended  and  joined 
us,"  he  confessed  to  his  diary,  "the  decorations  of  the 
ships,  the  roar  of  the  cannon,  and  the  loud  acclamations 
of  the  people  which  rent  the  skies  as  I  walked  along 
the  streets,  filled  my  mind  with  sensations  as  painful 
as  they  are  pleasant";  for  his  fears  foreboded  scenes 
the  opposite  of  these,  when  he  should  have  shown  him 
self  unable  to  fulfil  the  hopes  which  were  the  burden  of 
all  the  present  joy. 

It  was  the  27th  of  April  when  he  reached  New  York. 
Notwithstanding  his  executive  fashion  of  making  haste, 
the  rising  of  the  country  to  bid  him  God-speed  had  kept 
him  four  days  longer  on  the  way  than  Mr.  Thomson  had 
taken  to  carry  the  summons  to  Mount  Yern on.  Three 
days  more  elapsed  before  Congress  had  completed  its 
preparations  for  his  inauguration.  On  the  30th  of  April, 
in  the  presence  of  a  great  concourse  of  people,  who  first 
broke  into  wild  cheers  at  sight  of  him,  and  then  fell  si 
lent  again  upon  the  instant  to  see  him  so  moved,  Wash 
ington  stood  face  to  face  with  the  Chancellor  of  the 
State  upon  the  open  balcony  of  the  Federal  Hall  in  Wall 
Street,  and  took  the  oath  of  office.  "  Do  you  solemnly 
swear,"  asked  Livingston,  "  that  you  will  faithfully  exe 
cute  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
will,  to  the  best  of  your  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and 
defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  ?"  "  I  do 
solemnly  swear,"  replied  Washington,  "  that  I  will  faith 
fully  execute  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and 
defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,"  and  then, 
bending  to  kiss  the  Bible  held  before  him,  bowed  his 
head  and  said  "  So  help  me  God  !"  in  tones  no  man  could 


270  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

mistake,  so  deep  was  their  thrill  of  feeling.  "  Long  live 
George  Washington,  President  of  the  United  States !" 
'cried  Livingston  to  the  people ;  and  a  great  shout  went 
up  with  the  booming  of  the  cannon  in  the  narrow 
streets. 

Washington  was  profoundly  moved,  and,  with  all  his 
extraordinary  mastery  of  himself,  could  not  hide  his 
agitation.  It  was  a  company  of  friends,  the  Senators 
and  Representatives  who  stood  about  him  within  the 
Senate  chamber  as  he  read  his  address,  after  the  taking 
of  the  oath.  Some  very  old  friends  were  there — men 
who  had  been  with  him  in  the  first  continental  con 
gress,  men  who  had  been  his  intimate  correspondents 
the  long  years  through,  men  who  were  now  his  close 
confidants  and  sworn  supporters.  Not  many  strangers 
could  crowd  into  the  narrow  hall ;  and  it  was  not  mere 
love  of  ceremony,  but  genuine  and  heartfelt  respect, 
that  made  the  whole  company  stand  while  he  read.  He 
visibly  trembled,  nevertheless,  as  he  stood  in  their  pres 
ence,  strong  and  steadfast  man  though  he  was,  "and 
several  times  could  scarce  make  out  to  read  " ;  shifted 
his  manuscript  uneasily  from  hand  to  hand  ;  gestured 
with  awkward  effort ;  let  his  voice  fall  almost  inaudi 
ble  ;  was  every  way  unlike  himself,  except  for  the  sim 
ple  majesty  and  sincerity  that  shone  in  him  through  it 
all.  His  manner  but  gave  emphasis,  after  all,  to  the 
words  he  was  reading.  "  The  magnitude  and  difficulty 
of  the  trust,"  he  declared,  "  could  not  but  overwhelm 
with  despondence  one  who,  inheriting  inferior  endow 
ments  from  nature,  and  unpractised  in  the  duties  of  civil 
administration,  ought  to  be  peculiarly  conscious  of  his 
own  deficiencies  "  ;  and  no  one  there  could  look  at  him 
and  deem  him  insincere  when  he  added,  "All  I  dare 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT   OF  THE   UNITED  STATES       2*71 

aver  is  that  it  has  been  my  faithful  study  to  collect  my 
duty  from  a  just  appreciation  of  every  circumstance  by 
which  it  might  be  affected.  All  I  dare  hope  is  that,  if 
in  executing  this  task  I  have  been  too  much  swayed  by 
a  grateful  remembrance  of  former  instances,  or  by  an 
affectionate  sensibility  to  this  transcendent  proof  of  the 
confidence  of  my  fellow-citizens,  and  have  thence  too 
little  consulted  my  incapacity  as  well  as  disinclination 
for  the  weighty  and  untried  cares  before  me,  my  error 
will  be  palliated  by  the  motives  which  misled  me,  and 
its  consequences  be  judged  by  my  country  with  some 
share  of  the  partiality  with  which  they  originated." 
His  hearers  knew  how  near  the  truth  he  struck  when  he 
said,  "  The  smiles  of  Heaven  can  never  be  expected  on  a 
nation  that  disregards  the  eternal  rules  of  order  and 
right  which  Heaven  itself  has  ordained ;  and  the  pres 
ervation  of  the  sacred  fire  of  liberty,  and  the  destiny  of 
the  republican  model  of  government,  are  justly  consid 
ered  as  deeply,  perhaps  as  finally,  staked  on  the  experi 
ment  intrusted  to  the  hands  of  the  American  people." 
It  was,  no  doubt,  "  a  novelty  in  the  history  of  society  to 
see  a  great  people  turn  a  calm  and  scrutinizing  eye  upon 
itself,"  as  the  people  of  America  had  done;  "to  see  it 
carefully  examine  the  extent  of  the  evil"  into  which  dis 
union  and  disorder  had  brought  it ;  "  patiently  wait  for 
two  years  until  a  remedy  was  discovered  "  ;  and  at  last 
voluntarily  adopt  a  new  order  and  government  "  with 
out  having  wrung  a  tear  or  a  drop  of  blood  from  man 
kind."  But  Washington  knew  that  the  praise  deserved 
for  such  mastery  and  self-possession  would  be  short 
lived  enough  if  the  new  government  should  fail  or  be 
discredited.  It  was  the  overpowering  thought  that  he 
himself  would  be  chiefly  responsible  for  its  success  or 


272  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

failure  that  shook  his  nerves  as  he  stood  there  at  the 
beginning  of  his  task ;  and  no  man  of  right  sensibility 
in  that  audience  failed  to  like  him  the  better  and  trust 
him  the  more  implicitly  for  his  emotion.  "  It  was  a 
very  touching  scene,"  wrote  Fisher  Ames,  of  Massa 
chusetts.  "  It  seemed  to  me  an  allegory  in  which 
virtue  was  personified  as  addressing  those  whom  she 
would  make  her  votaries.  Her  power  over  the  heart 
was  never  greater,  and  the  illustration  of  her  doctrine 
by  her  own  example  was  never  more  perfect."  "  I 
feel  how  much  I  shall  stand  in  need  of  the  countenance 
and  aid  of  every  friend  to  myself,  of  every  friend  to 
the  Revolution,  and  of  every  lover  of  good  govern 
ment,"  were  Washington's  words  of  appeal  to  Edward 
Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina ;  and  he  never  seemed 
to  his  friends  more  attractive  or  more  noble  than 
now. 

The  inauguration  over,  the  streets  fallen  quiet  again, 
the  legislative  business  of  the  Houses  resumed,  "Wash 
ington  regained  his  old  self-possession,  and  turned  to 
master  his  new  duties  with  a  calm  thoroughness  of  pur 
pose  which  seemed  at  once  to  pass  into  the  action  of  the 
government  itself.  Perhaps  it  was  true,  as  he  thought, 
that  he  had  been  no  statesman  hitherto;  though  those 
who  had  known  him  would  have  declared  themselves  of 
another  mind.  He  had  carried  the  affairs  of  the  Con 
federation  upon  his  own  shoulders,  while  the  war  lasted, 
after  a  fashion  the  men  of  that  time  were  not  likely  to 
forget,  so  full  of  energy  had  he  been,  so  provident  and 
capable  upon  every  point  of  policy.  His  letters,  too, 
since  the  war  ended,  had  shown  his  correspondents  the 
country  over  such  an  appreciation  of  the  present,  so 
sure  a  forecast  of  the  future,  so  masculine  an  under- 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENTIAL   MANSION,  AT  PEARL   AND   CHERRY 
STREETS,  NEW   YORK 


Ml  fel  fe 

as    s s 


WASHINGTON   MANSION,  190   MARKET   STREET,    PHILADELPHIA 


THE   FIRST  PRESIDENT   OF  THE   UNITED  STATES       273 

standing  of  what  waited  to  be  done  and  of  the  means 
at  hand  to  do  it,  that  they,  at  least,  accounted  him  their 
leader  in  peace  no  less  than  in  war.  But  statesman 
ship  hitherto  had  been  only  incidental  to  his  duties  as  a 
soldier  and  a  citizen.  It  had  been  only  an  accident  of 
the  Revolution  that  he  had  had  himself,  oftentimes,  to 
supply  the  foresight  and  the  capacity  in  action  which 
the  halting  congress  lacked.  He  had  had  no  experience 
at  all  in  actual  civil  administration.  He  did  not  know 
his  own  abilities,  or  realize  how  rich  his  experience  in 
affairs  had,  in  fact,  been.  He  went  about  his  new  tasks 
with  diffidence,  therefore,  but  with  the  full  -  pulsed 
heartiness,  too,  of  the  man  who  thoroughly  trusts  him 
self,  for  the  capacity  at  any  rate  of  taking  pains. 
Statesmanship  was  now  his  duty — his  whole  duty — and 
it  was  his  purpose  to  understand  and  execute  the  office 
of  President  as  he  had  understood  and  administered  the 
office  of  General. 

He  knew  what  need  there  was  for  caution.  This  was 
to  be,  "  in  the  first  instance,  in  a  considerable  degree,  a 
government  of  accommodation  as  well  as  a  government 
of  laws.  Much  was  to  be  done  by  prudence,  much  by 
conciliation,  much  by  firmness."  "I  walk,"  he  said, 
"  on  untrodden  ground.  There  is  scarcely  an  action  the 
motive  of  which  may  not  be  subjected  to  a  double  in 
terpretation.  There  is  scarcely  any  part  of  my  conduct 
which  may  not  hereafter  be  drawn  into  precedent." 
But,  though  he  sought  a  prudent  course,  he  had  no  mind 
to  be  timid ;  though  he  asked  advice,  he  meant  to  be 
his  own  master. 

Washington  had,  no  doubt,  a  more  precise  understand 
ing  of  what  the  new  government  must  be  made  to 
mean  than  any  other  man  living,  except,  perhaps,  Ham- 
is 


274  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ilton  and  Madison,  the  men  whom  he  most  consulted. 
The  Confederation  had  died  in  contempt,  despised  for 
its  want  of  dignity  and  power.  The  new  government 
must  deserve  and  get  pre-eminent  standing  from  the 
first.  Its  policy  must  make  the  States  a  nation,  must 
stir  the  people  out  of  their  pettiness  as  colonists  and 
provincials,  and  give  them  a  national  character  and 
spirit.  It  was  not  a  government  only  that  was  to  be 
created,  but  the  definite  body  of  opinion  also  which 
should  sustain  and  perfect  it.  It  must  be  made  worth 
believing  in,  and  the  best  spirits  of  the  country  must  be 
rallied  to  its  support.  It  was  not  the  question  simply 
of  how  strong  the  government  should  be.  Its  action 
must,  as  Washington  said,  be  mixed  of  firmness,  pru 
dence,  and  conciliation,  if  it  would  win  liking  and  loyal 
ty  as  well  as  respect.  It  must  cultivate  tact  as  well  as 
eschew  weakness;  must  win  as  well  as  compel  obedience. 
It  was  of  the  first  consequence  to  the  country,  there 
fore,  that  the  man  it  had  chosen  to  preside  in  this  deli 
cate  business  of  establishing  a  government  which  should 
be  vigorous  without  being  overbearing  was  a  thorough 
bred  gentleman,  whose  instincts  would  carry  him  a 
great  way  towards  the  solution  of  many  a  nice  question 
of  conduct.  While  he  waited  to  be  made  President  he 
called  upon  every  Senator  and  Representative  then  in 
attendance  upon  Congress,  with  the  purpose  to  show 
them  upon  how  cordial  and  natural  a  basis  of  personal 
acquaintance  he  wished,  for  his  part,  to  see  the  govern 
ment  conducted ;  but,  the  oath  of  office  once  taken,  he 
was  no  longer  a  simple  citizen,  as  he  had  been  during 
those  two  days  of  waiting;  the  dignity  of  the  govern 
ment  had  come  into  his  keeping  with  the  office.  Hence 
forth  he  would  pay  no  more,  calls,  accept  no  in  vita- 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES       275 

tions.  On  a  day  fixed  he  would  receive  calls ;  and  be 
would  show  himself  once  a  week  at  Mrs.  Washington's 
general  receptions.  He  would  invite  persons  of  official 
rank  or  marked  distinction  to  his  table  at  suitable  in 
tervals.  There  should  be  no  pretence  of  seclusion,  no 
parade  of  inaccessibility.  The  President  should  be  a 
republican  officer,  the  servant  of  the  people.  But  he 
would  not  be  common.  It  should  be  known  that 
his  office  and  authority  were  the  first  in  the  land. 
Every  proper  outward  form  of  dignity,  ceremony,  and 
self-respect  should  be  observed  that  might  tell  whole 
somely  upon  the  imagination  of  the  people ;  that  might 
be  made  to  serve  as  a  visible  sign,  which  no  man  could 
miss,  that  there  was  here  no  vestige  of  the  old  federal 
authority,  at  which  it  had  been  the  fashion  to  laugh, 
but  a  real  government,  and  that  the  greatest  in  the  land. 
It  w^s  not  that  the  President  was  not  to  be  seen  by 
anybody  who  had  the  curiosity  to  wish  to  see  him. 
Many  a  fine  afternoon  he  was  to  be  seen  walking,  an 
unmistakable  figure,  upon  the  Battery,  whither  all  per 
sons  of  fashion  in  the  town  resorted  for  their  daily 
promenade,  his  secretaries  walking  behind  him,  but 
otherwise  unattended.  Better  still,  he  could  be  seen 
almost  any  day  on  horseback,  riding  in  his  noble  way 
through  the  streets.  People  drew  always  aside  to  give 
him  passage  wherever  he  went,  whether  he  walked  or 
rode ;  no  doubt  there  was  something  in  his  air  and  bear 
ing  which  seemed  to  expect  them  to  do  so;  but  their 
respect  had  the  alacrity  of  affection,  and  he  would 
have  borne  himself  with  a  like  proud  figure  in  his  own 
Virginia.  Some  thought  him  stiff,  but  only  the  churl 
ish  could  deem  him  unrepublican,  so  evident  was  it  to 
every  candid  man  that  it  was  not  himself  but  his  office 


276  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

he  was  exalting.  His  old  passion  for  success  was  upon 
him,  and  he  meant  that  this  government  of  which  he 
had  been  made  the  head  should  have  prestige  from  the 
first.  Count  de  Moustier,  the  French  Minister 'to  the 

/  United  States,  deeming  America,  no  doubt,  a  protege  of 
France,  claimed  the  right  to  deal  directly  with  the  Pres 
ident  in  person,  as  if  upon  terms  of  familiar  privilege, 
when  conducting  his  diplomatic  business;  but  was 
checked  very  promptly.  It  was  not  likely  a  man  bred 
in  the  proud  school  of  Virginian  country  gentlemen 
would  miss  so  obvious  a  point  of  etiquette  as  this.  To 
demand  intimacy  was  to  intimate  superiority,  and  Wash 
ington's  reply  drew  from  the  Count  an  instant  apology. 
That  the  United  States  had  every  reason  to  hold  France 
in  loyal  affection  Washington  gladly  admitted  with  all 
stately  courtesy ;  but  affection  became  servility  when  it 
lost  self-respect,  and  France  must  approach  the  President 
of  the  United  States  as  every  other  country  did,  through 
the  properly  constituted  department.  "If  there  are 
rules  of  proceeding,"  he  said,  quietly,  "  which  have 
originated  from  the  wisdom  of  statesmen,  and  are  sanc 
tioned  by  the  common  assent  of  nations,  it  would  not 
be  prudent  for  a  young  state  to  dispense  with  them 
altogether,"  —  particularly  a  young  state  (his  thought 
added)  which  foreign  states  had  despised  and  might 
now  try  to  patronize.  These  small  matters  would  carry 
an  infinite  weight  of  suggestion  with  them,  as  he  knew, 
and  every  suggestion  that  proceeded  from  the  President 

v  should  speak  of  dignity  and  independence. 

For  the  first  few  months  of  the  new  government's 
life  these  small  matters  that  marked  its  temper  and  its 
self-respect  were  of  as  much  consequence  as  its  laws  or 
its  efficient  organization  for  the  tasks  of  actual  adminis- 


WASHINGTON 

(After  a  paiuting  by  Edward  Savage) 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES       277 

tration.  The  country  evidently  looked  to  Washington 
to  set  the  tone  and  show  what  manner  of  government 
it  was  to  have.  Congress,  though  diligent  and  purpose 
ful  enough,  could  linger,  meanwhile,  the  whole  summer 
through  upon  its  task  of  framing  the  laws  necessary  for 
the  erection  and  organization  of  Departments  of  State, 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  of  the  Treasury,  and  of  War,  and 
the  creation  of  the  office  of  Attorney-General — a  simple 
administrative  structure  to  suffice  for  the  present.  In 
the  interval  the  treasury  board  of  the  Confederation  and 
its  secretaries  of  war  and  foreign  affairs  were  continued 
in  service,  and  the  President  found  time  to  digest  the 
business  of  the  several  departments  preparatory  to  their 
reorganization.  He  sent  for  all  the  papers  concerning 
their  transactions  since  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783,  and 
mastered  their  contents  after  his  own  thorough  fashion, 
making  copious  notes  and  abstracts  as  he  read. 

He  had  been  scarcely  six  weeks  in  office  when  he  was 
stricken  with  a  sharp  illness.  A  malignant  tumor  in 
his  thigh  seemed  to  his  physicians  for  a  time  to  threaten 
mortification.  It  was  three  weeks  before  he  could  take 
the  air  again,  stretched  painfully  at  length  in  his  coach ; 
even  his  stalwart  strength  was  slow  to  rally  from  the 
draught  made  upon  it  by  the  disease,  and  its  cure  with 
the  knife.  There  was  deep  anxiety  for  a  little  among 
those  who  knew,  so  likely  did  it  seem  that  the  life  of 
the  government  was  staked  upon  his  life.  He  himself 
had*  looked  very  calmly  into  the  doctor's  troubled  face, 
and  had  bidden  him  tell  him  the  worst  with  that  placid 
firmness  that  always  came  to  him  in  moments  of  dan 
ger.  "  I  am  not  afraid  to  die,"  he  said.  "  Whether  to 
night  or  twenty  years  hence  makes  no  difference.  I 
know  that  I  am  in  the  hands  of  a  good  Providence."  A 


278  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

chain  had  been  stretched  across  the  street  in  front  of 
the  house  where  he  lay,  to  check  the  noisy  traffic  that 
might  have  disturbed  him  more  deeply  in  his  fever. 
But  the  government  had  not  stood  still  the  while.  He 
had  steadily  attended  to  important  matters  as  he  could. 
JTwas  scarcely  necessary  he  should  be  out  of  bed  and 
abroad  again  to  make  all  who  handled  affairs  feel  his 
mastery ;  and  by  the  time  the  summer  was  ended  that 
mastery  was  founded  upon  knowledge.  He  understood 
the  affairs  of  the  new  government,  as  of  the  old,  better 
than  any  other  man ;  knew  the  tasks  that  waited  to  be 
attempted,  the  questions  that  waited  to  be  answered, 
the  difficulties  that  awaited  solution,  and  the  means  at 
hand  for  solving  them,  with  a  grasp  and  thoroughness 
such  as  made  it  impossible  henceforth  that  any  man 
who  might  be  called  to  serve  with  him  in  executive 
business,  of  whatever  capacity  in  affairs,  should  be  more 
than  his  counsellor.  He  had  made  himself  once  for  all 
head  and  master  of  the  government. 

By  the  end  of  September  (1789)  Congress  had  com 
pleted  its  work  of  organization  and  Washington  had 
drawn  his  permanent  advisers  about  him.  The  federal 
courts,  too,  had  been  erected  and  given  definitive  juris 
diction.  The  new  government  had  taken  distinct  shape, 
and  was  ready  to  digest  its  business  in  detail.  Wash 
ington  chose  Alexander  Hamilton  to  be  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Henry  Knox  to  be  Secretary  of  War,  Thomas 
Jefferson  Secretary  of  State,  and  Edmund  Randolph 
Attorney  -  General  —  young  men  all,  except  Jefferson, 
and  he  was  but  forty-six. 

The  fate  of  the  government  was  certain  to  turn,  first 
of  all,  upon  questions  of  finance.  It  was  hopeless  pov 
erty  that  had  brought  the  Confederation  into  deep  dis- 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES       279 

grace ;  the  new  government  had  inherited  from  it  noth 
ing  but  a  great  debt ;  and  the  first  test  of  character  to 
which  the  new  plan  in  affairs  would  be  put,  whether  at 
home  or  abroad,  was  the  test  of  its  ability  to  sustain 
its  financial  credit  with  businesslike  thoroughness  and 
statesmanlike  wisdom.  Alexander  Hamilton  was  only 
thirty-two  years  old.  He  had  been  a  spirited  and  capa 
ble  soldier  and  an  astute  and  eloquent  advocate  ;  but 
he  had  not  had  a  day's  experience  in  the  administration 
of  a  great  governmental  department,  and  had  never 
handled — so  far  as  men  knew,  had  never  studied — ques 
tions  of  public  finance.  Washington  chose  him,  never 
theless,  without  hesitation,  for  what  must  certainly  turn 
out  to  be  the  most  critical  post  in  his  administration. 
No  man  saw  more  clearly  than  Washington  did  how 
large  a  capacity  for  statesmanship  Hamilton  had  shown 
in  his  masterly  papers  in  advocacy  of  the  Constitution. 
He  had  known  Hamilton,  moreover,  through  all  the 
quick  years  that  had  brought  him  from  precocious 
youth  to  wise  maturity ;  had  read  his  letters  and  felt 
the  singular  power  that  moved  in  them  ;  and  was  ready 
to  trust  him  with  whatever  task  he  would  consent  to 
assume. 

Henry  Knox,  that  gallant  officer  of  the  Eevolution, 
had  been  already  four  years  Secretary  of  War  for  the 
Confederation.  In  appointing  him  to  the  same  office 
under  the  new  Constitution,  Washington  was  but  re 
taining  a  man  whom  he  loved  and  to  whom  he  had  for 
long  been  accustomed  to  look  for  friendship  and  coun 
sel.  He  chose  Thomas  Jefferson  to  handle  the  delicate 
questions  of  foreign  affairs  which  must  press  upon  the 
young  state  because,  John  Adams  being  Vice-President, 
there  was  no  other  man  of  equal  gifts  available  who  had 


280  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

had  so  large  an  experience  in  the  field  of  diplomacy. 
Again  and  again  Jefferson  had  been  chosen  for  foreign 
missions  under  the  Confederation  ;  he  was  American 
Minister  to  France  when  Washington's  summons  called 
him  to  the  Secretaryship  of  State ;  and  he  came  of  that 
race  of  Virginian  statesmen  from  whom  Washington 
might  reasonably  count  upon  receiving  a  support 
touched  with  personal  loyalty.  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Patrick  Henry,  and  George  Mason  were  home-keeping 
spirits,  and  doubted  of  the  success  of  the  new  govern 
ment  ;  but  Jefferson,  though  he  had  looked  upon  its 
making  from  across  the  sea,  approved,  and  was  ready 
to  lend  his  aid  to  its  successful  establishment.  In  ap 
pointing  Edmund  Randolph  to  be  Attorney  -  General, 
Washington  was  but  choosing  a  brilliant  young  man 
whom  he  loved  out  of  a  great  family  of  lawyers  who 
had  held  a  sort  of  primacy  at  the  bar  in  Virginia  ever 
since  he  could  remember  —  almost  ever  since  she  had 
been  called  the  Old  Dominion.  Knox  was  thirty-nine, 
Edmund  Randolph  thirty-six ;  but  if  Washington  chose 
young  men  to  be  his  comrades  and  guides  in  counsel,  it 
was  but  another  capital  proof  of  his  own  mastery  in  af 
fairs.  Himself  a  natural  leader,  he  recognized  the  like 
gift  and  capacity  in  others,  even  when  fortune  had  not 
yet  disclosed  or  brought  them  to  the  test. 

It  was  hard,  m  filling  even  the  greater  offices,  to  find 
men  of  eminence  who  were  willing  to  leave  the  service 
of  their  States  or  the  security  and  ease  of  private  life  to 
try  the  untrodden  paths  of  federal  government.  The 
States  were  old  and  secure — so  men  thought — the  fed 
eral  government  was  new  and  an  experiment.  The 
stronger  sort  of  men,  particularly  amongst  those  bred 
to  the  law,  showed,  many  of  them,  a  great  reluctance 


THE  FIRST   PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES       281 

to  identify  themselves  with  new  institutions  set  up  but 
live  or  six  months  ago ;  and  Washington,  though  he 
meant  to  make  every  liberal  allowance  for  differences  of 
opinion,  would  invite  no  man  to  stand  with  him  in  the 
new  service  who  did  not  thoroughly  believe  in  it.  He 
was  careful  to  seek  out  six  of  the  best  lawyers  to  be  had 
in  the  country  when  he  made  up  the  Supreme  Court, 
and  to  choose  them  from  as  many  States — John  Jay,  of 
New  York,  to  be  chief  justice ;  John  Rutledge,  of  South 
Carolina ;  "William  Cushing,  of  Massachusetts ;  John 
Blair,  of  Virginia ;  James  Wilson,  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
R.  H.  Harrison,  of  Maryland  —  for  he  knew  that  the 
government  must  draw  its  strength  from  the  men  who 
administered  it,  and  that  the  common  run,  of  people 
must  learn  to  respect  it  in  the  persons  of  its  officers. 
But  he  was  equally  careful  to  find  out  in  advance  of 
every  appointment  what  the  man  whom  he  wished  to 
ask  thought  of  the  new  government  and  wished  its 
future  to  be.  Many  to  whom  he  offered  appointment 
declined ;  minor  offices  seemed  almost  to  go  a-begging 
amongst  men  of  assured  position  such  as  it  was  his  ob 
ject  to  secure.  It  needed  all  the  tact  and  patience  he 
could  command  to  draw  about  him  a  body  of  men  such 
as  the  country  must  look  up  to  and  revere.  His  letters 
again  went  abroad  by  the  hundred,  as  so  often  before, 
to  persuade  men  to  their  duty,  build  a  bulwark  of  right 
opinion  round  about  the  government,  make  his  purposes 
clear  and  his  plans  effective.  He  would  spare  no  pains 
to  make  the  government  both  great  and  permanent. 

In  October,  1T89,  his  principal  appointments  all  made, 
the  government  in  full  operation,  and  affairs  standing 
still  till  Congress  should  meet  again,  he  went  upon  a 
four  weeks'  tour  through  the  eastern  States,  to  put  the 


282  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

people  in  mind  there,  by  his  own  presence,  of  the  ex 
istence  and  dignity  of  the  federal  government,  and  to 
make  trial  of  their  feeling  towards  it.  They  received 
him  with  cordial  enthusiasm,  for  he  was  secure  of  their 
love  and  admiration ;  and  he  had  once  more  a  royal 
progress  from  place  to  place  all  the  way  to  far  New 
Hampshire  and  back  again.  He  studiously  contrived  to 
make  it  everywhere  felt,  nevertheless,  by  every  turn  of 
ceremonial  and  behavior,  that  he  had  come,  not  as  the 
hero  of  the  Revolution,  but  as  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  At  Boston  Governor  Hancock  sought 
by  cordial  notes  and  pleas  of  illness  to  force  Washing 
ton  to  waive  the  courtesy  of  a  first  call  from  him,  and 
so  give  the  executive  of  Massachusetts  precedence,  if 
only  for  old  friendship's  sake.  But  Washington  would 
not  be  so  defeated  of  his  errand ;  forced  the  perturbed 
old  patriot  to  come  to  him,  swathed  as  he  was  in 
flannels  and  borne  upon  men's  shoulders  up  the  stairs, 
received  him  with  grim  courtesy,  and  satisfied  the  gos 
sips  of  the  town  once  and  for  all  that  precedence  be 
longed  to  the  federal  government — at  any  rate,  so  long 
as  George  Washington  was  President.  Having  seen 
him  and  feted  him,  the  eastern  towns  had  seen  and 
done  homage  to  the  new  authority  set  over  them. 
Washington  was  satisfied,  and  returned  with  a  notice 
able  accession  of  spirits  to  the  serious  work  of  federal 
administration. 

No  man  stood  closer  to  him  in  his  purpose  to 
strengthen  and  give  prestige  to  the  government  than 
Hamilton ;  and  no  man  was  able  to  discover  the  means 
with  a  surer  genius.  Hamilton  knew  who  the  well- 
wishers  of  the  new  government  were,  whence  its 
strength  was  to  be  drawn,  what  it  must  do  to  approve 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF   THE  UNITED   STATES       283 

itself  great  and  permanent,  with  an  insight  and  thor 
oughness  Washington  himself  could  not  match :  for 
Hamilton  knew  Washington  and  the  seats  of  his 
strength  in  the  country  as  that  self-forgetful  man  him 
self  could  not.  He  knew  that  it  was  the  commercial 
classes  of  the  country  —  such  men  as  he  had  himself 
dwelt  amongst  at  the  great  port  at  New  York  —  who 
were  bound  by  self-interest  to  the  new  government, 
which  promised  them  a  single  policy  in  trade,  in  the 
stead  of  policies  a  half -score;  and  that  the  men  who 
were  standing  to  its  support  out  of  a  reasoned  prudence, 
out  of  a  high-minded  desire  to  secure  good  government 
and  a  place  of  consideration  for  their  country  amongst 
the  nations  of  the  world,  were  individuals  merely,  to  be 
found  only  in  small  groups  here  and  there,  where  a 
special  light  shone  in  some  minds.  He  knew  that 
Washington  was  loved  most  for  his  national  character 
and  purpose  amongst  the  observant  middle  classes  of 
substantial  people  in  the  richer  counties  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  and  New  England, 
while  his  neighbors  in  the  South  loved  him  with  an 
individual  affection  only,  and  rather  as  their  hero  than 
as  their  leader  in  affairs.  He  saw  that  the  surest  way 
to  get  both  popular  support  and  international  respect 
was  to  give  to  the  government  at  once  and  in  the  outset 
a  place  of  command  in  the  business  and  material  inter 
ests  of  the  country.  Such  a  policy  every  man  could 
comprehend,  and  a  great  body  of  energetic  and  influ 
ential  men  would  certainly  support ;  that  alone  could 
make  the  government  seem  real  from  the  first — a  veri 
table  power,  not  an  influence  and  a  shadow  merely. 

Here  was  a  man,  unquestionably,  who  had  a  quick 
genius  in  affairs ;  and  Washington  gave  him  leave  and 


284  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

initiative  with  such  sympathy  and  comprehension  and 
support  as  only  a  nature  equally  bold  and  equally  orig 
inative  could  have  given.  Hamilton's  measures  jumped 
with  Washington's  purpose,  ran  with  Washington's  per 
ception  of  national  interests ;  and  they  were  with  Wash 
ington's  aid  put  into  execution  with  a  promptness  and 
decision  which  must  have  surprised  the  friends  of  the 
new  government  no  less  than  it  chagrined  and  alarmed 
its  enemies. 

Having  done  its  work  of  organization  during  its  first 
summer  session,  the  Congress  came  together  again,  Jan 
uary  4th,  1790,  to  attempt  the  formulation  of  a  policy  of 
government,  and  Hamilton  at  once  laid  before  it  a  "  plan 
for  the  settlement  of  the  public  debt"  which  he  had 
drawn  and  Washington  had  sanctioned.  He  proposed 
that  provision  should  be  made  for  the  payment  of  the 
foreign  debt  in  full — that  of  course ;  that  the  domestic 
debt,  the  despised  promises  and  paper  of  the  Confeder 
ation,  should  be  funded  and  paid ;  and  that  the  debts 
contracted  by  the  several  States  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  war  for  independence  should  be  assumed  by  the 
general  government  as  the  debt  of  the  nation.  No  one 
could  doubt  that  the  foreign  debt  must  be  paid  in  full : 
to  that  Congress  agreed  heartity  and  without  hesitation. 
But  there  was  much  in  the  rest  of  the  plan  to  give  pru 
dent  men  pause.  To  pay  off  the  paper  of  the  Confed 
eration  would  be  to  give  to  the  speculators,  who  had 
bought  it  up  in  the  hope  of  just  such  a  measure,  a  gra 
tuity  of  many  times  what  they  had  paid  for  it.  To 
assume  the  State  debts  would  be  taken  to  mean  that 
the  States  were  bankrupt  or  delinquent,  that  the  federal 
government  was  to  be  their  guardian  and  financial 
providence,  and  that  the  capital  of  the  country  must 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF   THE  UNITED  STATES       285 

look  only  to  the  government  of  the  nation,  not  to  the 
government  of  the  States,  for  security  and  profitable 
employment.  This  was  nationalizing  the  government 
with  a  vengeance,  and  was  a  plain  bid,  besides,  to  win 
the  moneyed  class  to  its  support.  Members  whose  con 
stituencies  lay  away  from  the  centres  of  trade  looked 
askance  at  such  measures,  and  deemed  them  no  better 
than  handing  the  government  over  to  the  money  lenders 
of  the  towns.  But  boldness  and  energy  prevailed,  as 
they  had  prevailed  in  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
itself,  and  both  measures  were  carried  through  the 
Houses — the  first  at  once,  the  second  after  a  close  and 
doubtful  struggle — by  stratagem  and  barter. 

Jefferson  had  been  in  France  when  Washington  called 
him  to  assume  the  headship  of  foreign  affairs  at  home ; 
had  not  reached  New  York  on  his  return  voyage  until 
December  23d,  1789  ;  and  did  not  take  his  place  in  Wash 
ington's  council  till  March  21st,  1790.  All  of  Hamilton's 
great  plan  had  by  that  time  passed  Congress,  except  the 
assumption  of  the  State  debts.  Upon  that  question  a 
crisis  had  been  reached.  It  had  wrought  Congress  to 
a  dangerous  heat  of  feeling.  Members  from  the  South, 
where  trade  was  not  much  astir  and  financial  interests 
told  for  less  than  local  pride  and  sharp  jealousy  of  a  too 
great  central  power,  were  set  hotly  against  the  measure ; 
most  of  the  Northern  members  were  as  hotly  resolved 
upon  its  adoption.  Mr.  Jefferson  must  have  caught 
echoes  and  rumors  of  the  great  debate  as  he  lingered 
at  Monticello  in  order  to  adjust  his  private  affairs  be 
fore  entering  upon  his  duties  in  the  cabinet.  The  meas 
ure  had  been  lost  at  last  in  the  House  by  the  narrow 
margin  of  two  votes.  But  the  minority  were  in  no 
humor  to  submit.  They  declined  to  transact  any  busi- 


286  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

ness  at  all  till  they  should  be  yielded  to  in  this  matter. 
There  were  even  ugly  threats  to  be  heard  that  some 
would  withdraw  from  Congress  and  force  a  dissolution 
of  the  Union  rather  than  make  concessions  upon  the 
one  side  or  the  other. 

It  was  to  this  pass  that  things  had  come  when  Mr. 
Jefferson  reached  the  seat  of  government ;  and  his 
arrival  gave  Hamilton  an  opportunity  to  show  how 
consummate  a  politician  he  could  be  in  support  of  his 
statesmanship.  The  Southern  members  wanted  the  seat 
of  the  federal  government  established  within  their 
reach,  upon  the  Potomac,  where  Congress  might  at  least 
be  rid  of  importunate  merchants  and  money  lenders 
clamoring  at  its  doors,  and  of  impracticable  Quakers 
with  their  petitions  for  the  abolition  of  slavery ;  and 
were  almost  as  hot  at  their  failure  to  get  their  will  in 
that  matter  as  the  Northern  men  were  to  find  them 
selves  defeated  upon  the  question  of  the  State  debts. 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  fresh  upon  the  field,  was  strong 
among  the  Southern  members,  was  not  embroiled  or 
committed  in  the  quarrel.  Hamilton  besought  him  to 
intervene.  The  success  of  the  government  was  at  stake, 
he  said,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  could  pluck  it  out  of  peril. 
Might  it  not  be  that  the  Southern  men  would  consent 
to  vote  for  the  assumption  of  the  State  debts  if  the 
Northern  members  would  vote  for  a  capital  on  the 
Potomac  ?  The  suggestion  came  as  if  upon  the  thought 
of  the  moment,  at  a  chance  meeting  on  the  street,  as 
the  two  men  walked  and  talked  of  matters  of  the  day ; 
but  it  was  very  eloquently  urged.  Mr.  Jefferson  de 
clared  he  was  "  really  a  stranger  to  the  whole  subject," 
but  would  be  glad  to  lend  what  aid  he  could.  Would 
not  Mr.  Hamilton  dine  with  him  the  next  day,  to  meet 


ELEA.NOR  PARKE   CUSTIS 

(From  the  painting  iu  possession  of  General  Custis  Lee) 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES       287 

and  confer  with  a  few  of  the  Southern  members  ?  In 
the  genial  air  of  the  dinner-table  the  whole  difficulty 
was  talked  away.  Two  of  the  diners  agreed  to  vote 
for  the  assumption  of  the  State  debts  if  Mr.  Hamilton 
could  secure  a  majority  for  a  capital  on  the  Potomac ; 
and  Congress  presently  ratified  the  bargain.  There  was 
not  a  little  astonishment  at  the  sudden  clearing  of  the 
skies.  The  waters  did  not  go  down  at  once ;  hints  of 
a  scandal  and  of  the  shipwreck  of  a  fair  name  or  two 
went  about  the  town  and  spread  to  the  country.  But 
Congress  had  come  out  of  its  angry  tangle  of  factions, 
calm  had  returned  to  the  government,  and  Hamilton's 
plan  stood  finished  and  complete.  He  had  nationalized 
the  government  as  he  wished. 

It  was  this  fact  that  most  struck  the  eye  of  Jefferson 
when  he  had  settled  to  his  work  and  had  come  to  see 
affairs  steadily  and  as  a  whole  at  the  seat  of  govern 
ment.  He  saw  Hamilton  supreme  in  the  cabinet  and  in 
legislation  —  not  because  either  the  President  or  Con 
gress  was  weak,  but  because  Hamilton  was  a  master  in 
his  new  field,  and  both  Congress  and  the  President  had 
accepted  his  leadership.  It  chagrined  Jefferson  deeply 
to  see  that  he  had  himself  assisted  at  Hamilton's  tri 
umph,  had  himself  made  it  complete,  indeed.  He  could 
not  easily  brook  successful  rivalry  in  leadership ;  must 
have  expected  to  find  himself,  not  Hamilton,  preferred 
in  the  counsels  of  a  Virginian  President ;  was  beyond 
measure  dismayed  to  see  the  administration  already  in 
the  hands,  as  it  seemed,  of  a  man  just  two  months  turned 
of  thirty-three.  He  began  ere  long  to  declare  that  he 
had  been  "most  ignorantly  and  innocently  made  to  hold 
the  candle"  to  the  sharp  work  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  having  been  "  a  stranger  to  the  circum- 


288  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

stances."  But  it  was  not  the  circumstances  of  which 
he  had  been  ignorant ;  it  was  the  effect  of  what  he  had 
done  upon  his  own  wish  to  play  the  chief  role  in  the 
new  government.  When  he  came  to  a  calm  scrutiny  of 
the  matter,  he  did  not  like  the  assumption  of  the  State 
debts,  and,  what  was  more  serious  for  a  man  of  politi 
cal  ambition,  it  was  bitterly  distasteful  to  the  very  men 
from  whom  he  must  look  to  draw  a  following  when  par 
ties  should  form.  He  felt  that  he  had  been  tricked ;  he 
knew  that  he  had  been  outrun  in  the  race  for  leadership. 
"What  he  did  not  understand  or  know  how  to  reckon 
with  was  the  place  and  purpose  of  Washington  in  the 
government.  Hamilton  had  been  Washington's  aide 
and  confidant  when  a  lad  of  twenty,  and  knew  in  what 
way  those  must  rule  who  served  under  such  a  chief.  He 
knew  that  Washington  must  first  be  convinced  and 
won;  did  not  for  a  moment  doubt  that  the  President 
held  the  reins  and  was  master;  was  aware  that  his  own 
plans  had  prospered  both  in  the  making  and  in  the 
adoption  because  the  purpose  they  spoke  was  the  purpose 
Washington  most  cherished.  Washington  had  adopted 
the  fiscal  measures  as  his  own ;  Hamilton's  strength 
consisted  in  having  his  confidence  and  support.  Jefferson 
had  slowly  to  discover  that  leadership  in  the  cabinet  was 
to  be  had,  not  by  winning  a  majority  of  the  counsellors 
who  sat  in  it,  but  by  winning  Washington.  That  master 
ful  man  asked  counsel  upon  every  question  of  conse 
quence,  but  took  none  his  own  judgment  did  not  ap 
prove.  He  had  chosen  Hamilton  because  he  knew  his 
views,  Jefferson  only  because  he  knew  his  influence, 
ability,  and  experience  in  affairs.  When  he  did  test 
Jefferson's  views  he  found  them  less  to  his  liking  than 
he  had  expected. 


THE  FIRST   PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES       289 

He  had  taken  Jefferson  direct  from  France,  where  for 
five  years  he  had  been  watching  a  revolution  come  on 
apace,  hurried  from  stage  to  stage,  not  by  statesmen 
who  were  masters  in  the  art  and  practice  of  freedom, 
like  those  who  had  presided  in  the  counsels  of  America, 
but  by  demagogues  and  philosophers  rather;  and  the 
subtle  air  of  that  age  of  change  had  crept  into  the 
man's  thought.  He  had  come  back  a  philosophical 
radical  rather  than  a  statesman.  He  had  yet  to  learn, 
in  the  practical  air  of  America,  what  plain  and  steady 
policy  must  serve  him  to  win  hard-headed  men  to  his 
following;  and  Washington  found  him  a  guide  who 
needed  watching.  Foreign  affairs,  over  which  it  was 
Jefferson's  duty  to  preside,  began  of  a  sudden  to  turn 
upon  the  politics  of  France,  where  Jefferson's  thought 
was  so  much  engaged.  The  year  1789,  in  which  America 
gained  self-possession  and  set  up  a  government  soberly 
planned  to  last,  was  the  year  in  which  France  lost  self- 
possession  and  set  out  upon  a  wild  quest  for  liberty 
which  was  to  cost  her  both  her  traditional  polity  and 
all  the  hopes  she  had  of  a  new  one.  In  that  year  broke 
the  storm  of  the  French  revolution. 

It  was  a  dangerous  infection  that  went  abroad  from 
France  in  those  first  days  of  her  ardor,  and  nowhere 
was  it  more  likely  to  spread  than  in  America. 

"Bliss  was  it  in  that  dawn  to  be  alive, 
But  to  be  young  was  very  heaven  !    O  times 
In  which  the  meagre,  stale,  forbidding  ways 
Of  custom,  law,  and  statute  took  at  once 
The  attraction  of  a  country  in  romance  ! 
When  Reason  seemed  the  most  to  assert  her  rights 
When  most  intent  on  making  of  herself 
A  prime  Enchantress,  to  assist  the  work 
19 


290  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Which  then  was  going  forward  in  her  name  ! 
Not  favored  spots  alone,  but  the  whole  earth, 
The  beauty  wore  of  promise,  that  which  sets 
(As  at  some  moments  might  not  be  unfelt 
Among  the  bowers  of  paradise  itself) 
The  budding  rose  above  the  rose  full  blown." 

Was  not  this  spirit  that  had  sprung  to  such  sudden 
might  in  France  the  very  spirit  that  had  made  America 
free,  her  people  sovereign,  her  government  liberal  as 
men  could  dream  of?  Was  not  France  now  more  than 
ever  America's  friend  and  close  ally  against  the  world '( 
'Twould  be  niggardly  to  grudge  her  aid  and  love  to  the 
full  in  this  day  of  her  emulation  of  America's  great  ex 
ample.  The  Bastile  was  down,  tyranny  at  an  end, 
Lafayette  the  people's  leader.  The  gallant  Frenchman 
himself  could  think  of  nothing  more  appropriate  than  to 
send  the  great  key  of  the  fallen  fortress  to  Washington. 
But  Washington's  vision  in  affairs  was  not  obscured. 
He  had  not  led  revolutionary  armies  without  learning 
what  revolution  meant.  "The  revolution  which  has 
been  effected  in  France,"  he  said,  "  is  of  so  wonderful  a 
nature  that  the  mind  can  hardly  realize  the  fact " — his 
calm  tones  ringing  strangely  amidst  the  enthusiastic 
cries  of  the  time.  u  I  fear,  though  it  has  gone  trium 
phantly  through  the  first  paroxysm,  it  is  not  the  last  it 
has  to  encounter  before  matters  are  finally  settled.  The 
revolution  is  of  too  great  a  magnitude  to  be  effected  in 
so  short  a  space  and  with  the  loss  of  so  little  blood." 
He  hoped,  but  did  not  believe,  that  it  would  run  its 
course  without  fatal  disorders ;  and  he  meant,  in  any 
case,  to  keep  America  from  the  infection.  She  was  her 
self  but  "  in  a  convalescent  state,"  as  he  said,  after  her 
own  great  struggle.  She  was  too  observant  still,  more- 


THE   FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES       291 

over,  of  European  politics  and  opinion,  like  a  province 
rather  than  like  a  nation — inclined  to  take  sides  as  if  she 
were  still  a  child  of  the  European  family,  who  had  flung 
away  from  her  mother  England  to  cling  in  pique  to  an 
ancient  foe.  Washington's  first  and  almost  single  ob 
ject,  at  every  point  of  policy,  was  to  make  of  the  pro 
vincial  States  of  the  Union  a  veritable  nation,  inde 
pendent,  at  any  rate,  and  ready  to  be  great  when  its 
growth  should  come,  and  its  self-knowledge.  "  Every 
true  friend  to  this  country,"  he  said,  at  last,  "  must  see 
and  feel  that  the  policy  of  it  is  not  to  embroil  ourselves 
with  any  nation  whatever,  but  to  avoid  their  disputes 
and  their  politics,  and,  if  they  will  harass  one  another, 
to  avail  ourselves  of  the  neutral  conduct  we  have  adopt 
ed.  Twenty  years'  peace,  with  such  an  increase  of  pop 
ulation  and  resources  as  we  have  a  right  to  expect, 
added  to  our  remote  situation  from  the  jarring  powers, 
will  in  all  probability  enable  us,  in  a  just  cause,  to  bid 
defiance  to  any  power  on  earth";  and  such  were  his 
thought  and  purpose  from  the  first.  "  I  want  an  Amer 
ican  character,"  he  cried,  "that  the  powers  of  Europe 
may  be  convinced  we  act  for  ourselves,  and  not  for 
others"  He  had  been  given  charge  of  a  nation  in  the 
making,  and  he  meant  it  should  form,  under  his  care,  an 
independent  character. 

It  was  thus  he  proved  himself  no  sentimentalist,  but 
a  statesman.  It  was  stuff  of  his  character,  this  purpose 
of  independence.  He  would  have  played  a  like  part  of 
self-respect  for  himself  among  his  neighbors  on  the  Yir- 
ginian  plantations ;  and  he  could  neither  understand  nor 
tolerate  the  sentiment  which  made  men  like  Jefferson 
eager  to  fling  themselves  into  European  broils.  Truly 
this  man  was  the  first  American,  the  men  about  him 


292  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

provincials  merely,  dependent  still  for  their  life  and 
thought  upon  the  breath  of  the  Old  World,  unless,  like 
Hamilton,  they  had  been  born  and  had  stood  aloof,  or, 
like  Gouverneur  Morris,  had  divined  Europe  in  her  own 
capitals  with  clear,  unenamoured  eyes.  Fortunately 
affairs  could  be  held  steadily  enough  to  a  course  of  wise 
neutrality  and  moderation  at  first,  while  France's  revolu 
tion  wrought  only  its  work  of  internal  overthrow  and 
destruction ;  and  while  things  went  thus  opinion  began 
slowly  to  cool.  'Twas  plain  to  be  seen,  as  the  months 
went  by,  that  the  work  being  done  in  France  bore  no 

real  likeness  at  all  to  the  revolution  in  America ;  and 
i 

wise  men  began  to  see  it  for  what  it  was,  a  social  dis 
temper,  not  a  reformation  of  government  —  effective 
enough  as  a  purge,  no  doubt ;  inevitable,  perhaps ;  a 
cure  of  nature's  own  devising ;  but  by  no  means  to  be 
taken  part  in  by  a  people  not  likewise  stricken,  still 
free  to  choose.  At  first  Washington  and  a  few  men  of 
like  insight  stood  almost  alone  in  their  cool  self-posses 
sion.  Every  man  of  generous  spirit  deemed  it  his  mere 
duty  to  extol  the  French,  to  join  clubs  after  their  man 
ner,  in  the  name  of  the  rights  of  man,  to  speak  every 
where  in  praise  of  the  revolution.  But  by  the  time  it 
became  necessary  to  act — to  declare  the  position  and 
policy  of  the  nation's  government  towards  France — a 
sober  second  thought  had  come,  and  Washington's  task 
was  a  little  simplified. 

The  crisis  came  with  the  year  1793.  In  1792  France 
took  arms  against  her  European  neighbors,  let  her  mobs 
sack  the  King's  palace,  declared  herself  a  republic,  and 
put  her  monarch  on  trial  for  his  life.  The  opening  days 
of  1793  saw  Louis  dead  upon  the  scaffold;  England, 
Holland,  Spain,  and  the  Empire  joined  with  the  alliance 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES       293 

against  the  fevered  nation;  and  war  as  it  were  spread 
suddenly  to  all  the  world.  Would  not  America  succor 
her  old  ally  ?  Was  there  no  compulsion  in  the  name  of 
liberty  ?  Would  she  stand  selfishly  off  to  save  herself 
from  danger?  There  was  much  in  such  a  posture  of 
affairs  to  give  pause  even  to  imperative  men  like  Wash 
ington.  Those  who  favored  France  seemed  the  spokes 
men  of  the  country.  The  thoughtful  men,  to  whom 
the  real  character  of  the  great  revolution  over  sea  was 
beginning  to  be  made  plain,  were  silent.  It  would  have 
required  a  veritable  art  of  divination  to  distinguish  the 
real  sentiment  of  the  country,  upon  which,  after  all,  the 
general  government  must  depend.  "  It  is  on  great  oc 
casions  only,  and  after  time  has  been  given  for  cool 
and  deliberate  reflection,"  Washington  held,  "  that  the 
real  voice  of  the  people  can  be  known";  but  a  great 
risk  must  be  run  in  waiting  to  know  it. 

The  measures  already  adopted  by  the  government, 
though  well  enough  calculated  to  render  it  strong,  had 
not  been  equally  well  planned  to  make  it  popular.  The 
power  to  tax,  so  jealously  withheld  but  the  other  day 
from  the  Confederation,  the  new  Congress  had  begun 
promptly  and  confidently  to  exercise  upon  a  great  scale, 
not  only  laying  duties  upon  imports,  the  natural  re 
source  of  the  general  government,  but  also  imposing 
taxes  upon  distilled  spirits,  and  so  entering  the  fiscal 
field  of  the  States.  Not  only  had  the  war  debts  of  the 
States  been  assumed,  but  a  national  bank  had  been  set 
up  (1791),  as  if  still  further  to  make  the  general  govern 
ment  sure  of  a  complete  mastery  in  the  field  of  finance. 
Jefferson  and  Randolph  had  fought  the  measure  in  the 
cabinet,  as  many  a  moderate  man  had  fought  it  in  Con 
gress,  and  Washington  had  withheld  his  signature  from 


294  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

it  till  he  should  hear  what  they  had  to  urge.  But  he 
had  sent  their  arguments  to  Hamilton  for  criticism,  and 
had  accepted  his  answer  in  favor  of  the  bank.  Jeffer 
son  and  Randolph  had  challenged  the  measure  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  without  warrant  in  the  Constitu 
tion,  which  nowhere  gave  Congress  the  right  to  create 
corporations,  fiscal  or  other.  Hamilton  replied  that, 
besides  the  powers  explicitly  enumerated,  the  Constitu 
tion  gave  to  Congress  the  power  to  pass  any  measure 
"  necessary  and  proper  "  for  executing  those  set  forth  ; 
that  Congress  was  itself  left  to  determine  what  might 
thus  seem  necessary  ;  and  that  if  it  deemed  the  erection 
of  a  bank  a  proper  means  of  executing  the  undoubted 
financial  powers  of  the  government,  the  constitutional 
question  was  answered.  By  accepting  such  a  view 
"Washington  sanctioned  the  whole  doctrine  of  "  implied 
powers,"  which  Jefferson  deemed  the  very  annulment 
of  a  written  and  explicit  constitution.  No  bounds, 
Jefferson  believed,  could  be  set  to  the  aggressive  sweep 
of  congressional  pretension  if  the  two  Houses  were  to 
be  given  leave  to  do  whatever  they  thought  expedient 
in  exercising  their  in  any  case  great  and  commanding 
powers.  No  man  could  doubt,  in  the  face  of  such  meas 
ures,  what  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  Hamilton  were,  or 
of  the  President  whom  Hamilton  so  strangely  domi 
nated. 

Strong  measures  bred  strong  opposition.  When  the 
first  Congress  came  together  there  seemed  to  be  no  par 
ties  in  the  country.  All  men  seemed  agreed  upon  a  fair 
and  spirited  trial  of  the  new  Constitution.  But  an  oppo 
sition  had  begun  to  gather  form  before  its  two  years' 
term  was  out ;  and  in  the  second  Congress  party  lines 
began  to  grow  definite — not  for  and  against  the  Consti- 


THE  FIRST   PRESIDENT   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES       295 

tution,  but  for  and  against  an  extravagant  use  of  con 
stitutional  powers.  There  was  still  a  majority  for  the 
principal  measures  of  the  administration  ;  but  the  minor 
ity  had  clearly  begun  to  gather  force  both  in  the  votes 
and  in  the  debates.  The  reaction  was  unmistakable. 
Even  Madison,  Washington's  stanch  friend  and  inti 
mate  counsellor,  who  had  at  first  been  his  spokesman  in 
the  House,  began  to  draw  back  —  first  doubted  and 
then  opposed  the  policy  of  the  Treasury.  He  had  led 
the  opposition  to  the  bank,  and  grew  more  and  more 
uneasy  to  note  the  course  affairs  were  taking.  It  looked 
as  if  the  administration  were  determined  of  set  purpose 
to  increase  the  expenses  of  the  government,  in  order 
that  they  might  add  to  the  loans,which  were  so  accept 
able  to  influential  men  of  wealth,  and  double  the  taxes 
which  made  the  power  of  the  government  so  real  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people.  Steps  were  urged  to  create  a  navy  ; 
to  develop  an  army  with  permanent  organization  and 
equipment ;  and  the  President  insisted  upon  vigorous 
action  at  the  frontiers  against  the  western  Indians. 
This  was  part  of  his  cherished  policy.  It  was  his  way 
of  fulfilling  the  vision  that  had  long  ago  come  to  him, 
of  a  nation  spreading  itself  down  the  western  slopes  of 
the  mountains  and  over  all  the  broad  reaches  of  fertile 
land  that  looked  towards  the  Mississippi ;  but  to  many  a 
member  of  Congress  from  the  quiet  settlements  in  the 
east  it  looked  like  nothing  better  than  a  waste  of  men 
and  of  treasure.  The  President  seemed  even  a  little  too 
imperious  in  the  business:  would  sometimes  come  into 
the  Senate  in  no  temper  to  brook  delay  in  the  consider 
ation  and  adoption  of  what  he  proposed  in  such  matters. 
When  things  went  wrong  through  the  fault  of  the  com 
manders  he  had  sent  to  the  frontier,  he  stormed  in  a 


296  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

sudden  fury,  as  sometimes  in  the  old  days  of  the  war, 
scorning  soldiers  who  must  needs  blunder  and  fail.  The 
compulsion  of  his  will  grew  often  a  little  irksome  to 
the  minority  in  Congress ;  and  the  opposition  slowly 
pulled  itself  together  as  the  months  went  by  to  concert 
a  definite  policy  of  action. 

Washington  saw  as  plainly  as  any  man  what  was 
taking  place.  He  was  sensitive  to  the  movements  of 
opinion ;  wished  above  all  things  to  have  the  govern 
ment  supported  by  the  people's  approval;  was  never 
weary  of  writing  to  those  who  were  in  a  position  to  know, 
to  ask  them  what  they  and  their  neighbors  soberly 
thought  about  the  questions  and  policies  under  debate  ; 
was  never  so  impatient  as  to  run  recklessly  ahead  of 
manifest  public  opinion.  He  knew  how  many  men  had 
been  repelled  by  the  measures  he  had  supported  Hamil 
ton  in  proposing ;  knew  that  a  reaction  had  set  in  ;  that 
even  to  seem  to  repulse  France  and  to  refuse  her  aid  or 
sympathy  would  surely  strengthen  it.  The  men  who 
were  opposed  to  his  financial  policy  were  also  the  men 
who  most  loved  France,  now  she  was  mad  with  revolu 
tion.  They  were  the  men  who  dreaded  a  strong  gov 
ernment  as  a  direct  menace  to  the  rights  alike  of  in 
dividuals  and  of  the  separate  States ;  the  men  who  held 
a  very  imperative  philosophy  of  separation  and  of  revolt 
against  any  too  great  authority.  If  he  showed  himself 
cold  towards  France,  he  would  certainly  strengthen 
them  in  their  charge  that  the  new  government  craved 
power  and  was  indifferent  to  the  guarantees  of  freedom. 

But  Washington's  spirit  was  of  the  majestic  sort  that 
keeps  a  great  and  hopeful  confidence  that  the  right  view 
will  prevail;  that  the  "standard  to  which  the  wise  and 
honest  will  repair"  is  also  the  standard  to  which  the 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES       297 

whole  people  will  rally  at  last,  if  it  be  but  held  long  and 
steadily  enough  on  high  to  be  seen  of  all.  When  the 
moment  for  action  came  he  acted  promptly,  unhesitat 
ingly,  as  if  in  indifference  to  opinion.  The  outbreak  of 
war  between  France  and  England  made  it  necessary  he 
should  let  the  country  know  what  he  meant  to  do. 
"  War  having  actually  commenced  between  France  and 
Great  Britain,"  he  wrote  to  Jefferson  in  April,  1793,  "  it 
behooves  the  government  of  this  country  to  use  every 
means  in  its  power  to  prevent  the  citizens  thereof  from 
embroiling  us  with  either  of  those  powers,  by  endeavor 
ing  to  maintain  a  strict  neutrality.  I  therefore  require 
that  you  will  give  the  subject  mature  consideration, 
that  such  measures  as  shall  be  deemed  most  likely  to 
effect  this  desirable  purpose  may  be  adopted  without 
delay.  .  .  .  Such  other  measures  as  may  be  necessary 
for  us  to  pursue  against  events  which  it  may  not  be  in 
our  power  to  avoid  or  control,  you  will  also  think  of,  and 
lay  them  before  me  at  my  arrival  in  Philadelphia;  for 
which  place  I  shall  set  out  to-morrow."  He  was  at 
Mount  Yernon  when  he  despatched  these  instructions ; 
but  it  did  not  take  him  long  to  reach  the  seat  of  gov 
ernment,  to  consult  his  cabinet,  and  to  issue  a  proclama 
tion  of  neutrality  whose  terms  no  man  could  mistake. 
It  contained  explicit  threat  of  exemplary  action  against 
any  who  should  presume  to  disregard  it. 

That  very  month  (April,  1793)  Edrnond  Charles  Genet, 
a  youth  still  in  his  twenties  whom  the  new  republic  over 
sea  had  commissioned  Minister  to  the  United  States, 
landed  at  Charleston.  It  pleased  him  to  take  posses 
sion  of  the  country,  as  if  it  were  of  course  an  appanage 
of  France.  He  was  hardly  ashore  before  he  had  begun 
to  arrange  for  the  fitting  out  of  privateers,  to  issue  let- 


298  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

ters  of  marque  to  American  citizens,  and  to  authorize 
French  consuls  at  American  ports  to  act  as  judges  of  ad 
miralty  in  the  condemnation  of  prizes.  As  he  journeyed 
northward  to  Philadelphia  he  was  joyfully  confirmed  in 
his  views  and  purposes  by  his  reception  at  the  hands  of 
the  people.  He  was  everywhere  dined  and  toasted  and 
feted,  as  if  he  had  been  a  favorite  prince  returned  to  his 
subjects.  His  speeches  by  the  way  rang  in  a  tone  of  au 
thority  and  patronage.  He  reached  Philadelphia  fairly 
mad  with  the  sense  of  power,  and  had  no  conception  of 
his  real  situation  till  he  stood  face  to  face  with  the  Pres 
ident.  Of  that  grim  countenance  and  cold  greeting 
there  could  be  but  one  interpretation ;  and  the  fellow 
winced  to  feel  that  at  last  he  had  come  to  a  grapple 
with  the  country's  government.  It  was,  no  doubt,  in 
the  eyes  of  the  sobering  man,  a  strange  and  startling 
thing  that  then  took  place.  The  country  itself  had  not 
fully  known  Washington  till  then — or  its  own  dignity 
either.  It  had  deemed  the  proclamation  of  neutrality  a 
party  measure,  into  which  the  President  had  been  led 
by  the  enemies  of  France,  the  partisans  of  England. 
But  the  summer  undeceived  everybody,  even  Genet. 
Not  content  with  the  lawless  mischief  he  had  set  afoot 
on  the  coasts  by  the  commissioning  of  privateersmen, 
that  mad  youth  had  hastened  to  send  agents  into 
the  south  and  west  to  enlist  men  for  armed  expedi 
tions  against  the  Floridas  and  against  New  Orleans,  on 
the  coveted  Mississippi ;  but  his  work  was  everywhere 
steadily  undone.  Washington  acted  slowly,  deliberately 
even,  with  that  majesty  of  self-control,  that  awful  cour 
tesy  and  stillness  in  wrath,  that  had  ever  made  him  a 
master  to  be  feared  in  moments  of  sharp  trial.  One  by 
one  the  unlawful  prizes  were  seized ;  justice  was  done 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES       299, 

upon  their  captors  ;  the  false  admiralty  courts  were  shut 
up.  The  array  of  the  United  States  was  made  ready 
to  check  the  risings  in  the  south  and  west,  should  there 
be  need  ;  the  complaints  of  the  British  Minister  were 
silenced  by  deeds  as  well  as  by  words ;  the  clamor  of 
those  who  had  welcomed  the  Frenchman  so  like  pro 
vincials  was  ignored,  though  for  a  season  it  seemed  the 
voice  of  the  country  itself ;  and  the  humiliating  work, 
which  ought  never  to  have  been  necessary,  was  at  last 
made  effective  and  complete. 

Towards  the  close  of  June,  Washington  ventured  to 
go  for  a  little  while  to  Mount  Yernon  for  rest.  At  once 
there  was  trouble.  A  privateer  was  found  taking  arms 
and  stores  aboard  in  the  very  river  at  Philadelphia ; 
Jefferson  allowed  her  to  drop  down  to  Chester,  believ 
ing  Genet  instead  of  the  agents  of  the  government ;  and 
she  was  upon  the  point  of  getting  to  sea  before  Wash 
ington  could  reach  the  seat  of  government.  Jefferson 
was  not  in  town  when  the  President  arrived.  "What 
is  to  be  done  in  the  case  of  the  Little  Sarah,  now  at 
Chester?"  came  Washington's  hot  questions  after  him. 
"  Is  the  Minister  of  the  French  Republic  to  set  the  acts 
of  this  government  at  defiance  with  impunity?  And 
then  threaten  the  executive  with  an  appeal  to  the  peo 
ple  ?  What  must  the  world  think  of  such  conduct,  and 
of  the  United  States  in  submitting  to  it?  Circumstances 
press  for  decision;  and  as  you  have  had  time  to  con 
sider  them,  I  wish  to  know  your  opinion  upon  them, 
even  before  to-morrow,  for  the  vessel  may  then  be 
gone."  It  was  indeed  too  late  to  stop  her :  a  gross  vio 
lation  of  neutrality  had  been  permitted  under  the  very 
eyes  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  Washington  stayed 
henceforth  in  Philadelphia,  in  personal  control  of  affairs. 


300  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

It  was  an  appeal  to  the  people  that  finally  delivered 
Genet  into  his  hands.  Washington  revoked  the  exe 
quatur  of  one  Duplaine,  French  consul  at  Boston,  for 
continuing  to  ignore  the  laws  of  neutrality ;  Genet  de 
clared  he  would  appeal  from  the  President  to  the  sover 
eign  State  of  Massachusetts  ;  rumors  of  the  silly  threat 
got  abroad,  and  Genet  demanded  of  the  President  that 
he  deny  them.  Washington  answered  with  a  chilling 
rebuke ;  the  correspondence  was  given  to  the  public 
prints ;  and  at  last  the  country  saw  the  French  Minister 
for  what  he  was.  A  demand  for  his  recall  had  been  re 
solved  upon  in  the  cabinet  in  August ;  by  February, 
1794,  the  slow  processes  of  diplomatic  action  were  com 
plete,  and  a  successor  had  arrived.  Genet  did  not  vent 
ure  to  return  to  his  distracted  country ;  but  he  was  as 
promptly  and  as  readily  forgotten  in  America.  Some 
might  find  it  possible  to  love  France  still;  but  no  one 
could  any  longer  stomach  Genet. 

Washington  had  divined  French  affairs  much  too 
clearly  to  be  for  a  moment  tempted  to  think  with 
anything  but  contempt  of  the  French  party  who  had 
truckled  to  Genet.  "  The  affairs  of  France,"  he  said  to 
Lee,  in  the  midst  of  Genet's  heyday,  "  seem  to  me  to  be 
in  the  highest  paroxysm  of  disorder ;  not  so  much  from 
the  presence  of  foreign  enemies,  but  because  those  in 
whose  hands  the  government  is  intrusted  are  ready  to 
tear  each  other  to  pieces,  and  will  more  than  probably 
prove  the  worst  foes  the  country  has."  It  was  his  clear 
perception  what  the  danger  would  be  should  America 
be  drawn  into  the  gathering  European  wars  that  had 
led  him  to  accept  a  second  term  as  President.  It  had 
been  his  wish  to  remain  only  four  years  in  the  arduous 
office :  but  he  had  no  thought  to  leave  a  task  unfinished  ; 


WASHINGTON   AND    NELLY   CUSTIS 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES       301 

knew  that  he  was  in  the  very  midst  of  the  critical  busi 
ness  of  holding  the  country  to  the  course  which  should 
make  it  a  self-respecting  nation;  and  consented  to 
submit  himself  once  more  to  the  vote  of  the  electors. 
Parties  were  organizing,  but  there  was  no  opposition  to 
Washington.  He  received  again  a  unanimous  vote ;  and 
John  Adams  was  again  chosen  Vice- President.  The 
second  inauguration  (March,  1793)  seemed  but  a  rou 
tine  confirmation  of  the  first.  But  the  elections  to 
Congress  showed  a  change  setting  in.  In  the  Senate 
the  avowed  supporters  of  the  administration  had  still  a 
narrow  majority  ;  but  in  the  House  they  fell  ten  votes 
short  of  control ;  and  Washington  had  to  put  his  policy 
of  neutrality  into  execution  against  the  mad  Genet  with 
nothing  but  doubts  how  he  should  be  supported.  The 
insane  folly  of  Genet  saved  the  President  serious  embar 
rassment,  after  all ;  made  the  evidence  that  Washington 
was  right  too  plain  to  be  missed  by  anybody  ;  and  gave 
the  country  at  last  vision  enough  to  see  what  was  in 
fact  the  course  of  affairs  abroad,  within  and  without 
unhappy  France.  Before  that  trying  year  1793  was 
out,  an  attack  upon  Hamilton  in  the  House,  though  led 
by  Madison,  had  failed ;  Jefferson  had  left  the  cabinet ; 
and  the  hands  of  those  who  definitely  and  heartily  sup 
ported  the  President  were  not  a  little  strengthened. 
There  was  sharp  bitterness  between  parties — a  bitter 
ness  sharper  as  yet,  indeed,  than  their  differences  of 
view ;  but  the  "  federalists,"  who  stood  to  the  support 
of  Washington  and  Hamilton,  were  able,  none  the  less, 
to  carry  their  more  indispensable  measures  —  even  an 
act  of  neutrality  which  made  the  President's  policy  the 
explicit  law  of  the  land.  The  sober  second  thought  of 
the  country  was  slowly  coming  about  to  their  aid. 


302  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

The  air  might  have  cleared  altogether  had  the  right 
method  of  dealing  with  France  been  the  only  question 
that  pressed ;  but  the  ill  fortune  of  the  time  forced  the 
President  to  seem  not  only  the  recreant  friend  of 
France,  but  also  the  too  complacent  partisan  of  Eng 
land.  Great  Britain  seemed  as  mischievously  bent  upon 
forcing  the  United  States  to  war  as  Genet  himself  had 
been.  She  would  not  withdraw  her  garrisons  from  the 
border  posts;  it  was  believed  that  she  was  inciting  the 
Indians  to  their  savage  inroads  upon  the  border,  as  the 
French  had  done  in  the  old  days  ;  she  set  herself  to  de 
stroy  neutral  trade  by  seizing  all  vessels  that  carried  the 
products  of  the  French  islands  or  were  laden  with  pro 
visions  for  their  ports ;  she  would  admit  American  ves 
sels  to  her  own  West  Indian  harbors  only  upon  suffer 
ance,  and  within  the  limits  of  a  most  jealous  restriction. 
It  gave  a  touch  of  added  bitterness  to  the  country's 
feeling  against  her  that  she  should  thus  levy  as  it  were 
covert  war  upon  the  Union  while  affecting  to  be  at 
peace  with  it,  as  if  she  counted  on  its  weakness,  es 
pecially  on  the  seas ;  and  Congress  would  have  taken 
measures  of  retaliation,  which  must  certainly  have  led 
to  open  hostilities,  had  not  Washington  intervened,  de 
spatching  John  Jay,  the  trusted  Chief  Justice,  across  sea 
as  minister  extraordinary,  to  negotiate  terms  of  accom 
modation  ;  and  so  giving  pause  to  the  trouble. 

While  the  country  waited  upon  the  negotiation,  it 
witnessed  a  wholesome  object-lesson  in  the  power  of 
its  new  government.  In  March,  1791,  Congress  had 
passed  an  act  laying  taxes  on  distilled  spirits  :  'twas 
part  of  Hamilton's  plan  to  show  that  the  federal  gov 
ernment  could  and  would  use  its  great  authority.  The 
act  bore  nowhere  so  hard  upon  the  people  as  in  the  vast 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES       3Q3 

far  counties  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  beyond  the 
mountains — and  there  the  very  allegiance  of  the  people 
had  been  but  the  other  day  doubtful,  as  Washington 
very  well  knew.  How  were  they  to  get  their  corn  to 
market  over  the  long  roads  if  they  were  not  to  be  per 
mitted  to  reduce  its  bulk  and  increase  its  value  by  turn 
ing  it  into  whiskey  ?  The  tax  seemed  to  them  intoler 
able,  and  the  remedy  plain.  They  would  not  pay  it. 
They  had  not  been  punctilious  to  obey  the  laws  of  the 
States ;  they  would  not  begin  obedience  now  by  sub 
mitting  to  the  worst  laws  of  the  United  States.  At  first 
they  only  amused  themselves  by  tarring  and  feathering 
an  exciseman  here  and  there  ;  but  resistance  could  not 
stop  with  that  in  the  face  of  a  government  bent  upon 
having  its  own  way.  Opposition  organized  itself  and 
spread,  till  the  writs  of  federal  courts  had  been  defied 
by  violent  mobs  and  the  western  counties  of  Pennsyl 
vania  were  fairly  quick  with  incipient  insurrection. 

For  two  years  Washington  watched  the  slow  gather 
ing  of  the  storm,  warning  those  who  resisted,  keeping 
Congress  abreast  of  him  in  preparation  for  action  when 
the  right  time  should  come,  letting  all  the  country  know 
what  was  afoot  and  prepare  its  mind  for  what  was  to 
come.  It  must  have  won  him  to  a  stern  humor  to  learn 
that  seven  thousand  armed  men  had  gathered  in  mass- 
meeting  on  Braddock's  field  to  defy  him.  At  last  he 
summoned  an  army  of  militia  out  of  the  States,  sent  it 
straight  to  the  lawless  counties,  going  with  it  himself 
till  he  learned  there  would  be  no  serious  resistance — 
and  taught  the  country  what  was  back  of  federal  law. 
Hamilton  had  had  his  way,  the  country  its  lesson. 
"  The  servile  copyist  of  Mr.  Pitt  thought  he  must  hav& 
his  alarms,  his  insurrections  and  plots  against  the  Con- 


304  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

stitution,"  sneered  Jefferson.  "  It  aroused  the  favorite 
purposes  of  strengthening  government  and  increasing 
the  public  debt ;  and  therefore  an  insurrection  was 
announced  and  proclaimed  and  armed  against  and 
marched  against,  but  could  never  be  found.  And  all 
this  under  the  sanction  of  a  name  which  has  done  too 
much  good  not  to  be  sufficient  to  cover  harm  also." 
"  The  powers  of  the  executive  of  this  country  are  more 
definite  and  better  understood,  perhaps,  than  those  of  any 
other  country,"  Washington  had  said,  "  and  my  aim  has 
been,  and  will  continue  to  be,  neither  to  stretch  nor  to 
relax  from  them  in  any  instance  whatever,  unless  com 
pelled  to  it  by  imperious  circumstances,"  and  that  was 
what  he  meant  the  country  to  know,  whether  the  law's 
purpose  was  good  or  bad. 

The  next  year  the  people  knew  what  Mr.  Jay  had 
done.  He  reached  New  York  May  28th,  1796  ;  and  the 
treaty  he  brought  with  him  was  laid  before  the  Senate 
on  the  8th  of  June.  On  the  2d  of  July  the  country 
knew  what  he  had  agreed  to  and  the  Senate  had  rati 
fied.  There  was  an  instant  outburst  of  wrath.  It  swept 
from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other.  The  treaty 
yielded  so  much,  gained  so  little,  that  to  accept  it 
seemed  a  veritable  humiliation.  The  northwestern  posts 
were,  indeed,  to  be  given  up  at  last;  the  boundaries 
between  English  and  American  territory  were  to  be 
determined  by  commissioners  ;  unrestricted  commerce 
writh  England  herself,  and  a  free  direct  trade  with  her 
East  Indian  possessions,  were  conceded  ;  but  not  a  word 
was  said  about  the  impressment  of  American  seamen  ; 
American  claims  for  damages  for  unjust  seizures  in  the 
West  Indies  were  referred  to  a  commission,  along  with 
American  debts  to  Englishmen  ;  the  coveted  trade  with 


DEATH   OF    WASHINGTON 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF   THE   UNITED   STATES        305 

the  West  Indian  islands  was  secured  only  to  vessels  of 
seventy  tons  and  under,  and  at  the  cost  of  renouncing 
the  right  to  export  sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  cocoa,  or 
cotton  to  Europe.  "Washington  agreed  with  the  Senate 
that  ratifications  of  the  treaty  ought  not  to  be  ex 
changed  without  a  modification  of  the  clauses  respect 
ing  the  West  Indian  trade,  and  October  had  come 
before  new  and  better  terms  could  be  agreed  upon  ; 
but  he  had  no  doubt  that  the  treaty  as  a  whole  ought 
to  be  accepted.  The  opposition  party  in  Congress  had 
refused  to  vote  money  for  an  efficient  navy,  and  so  had 
made  it  impossible  to  check  British  aggressions :  they 
must  now  accept  this  unpalatable  treaty  as  better  at 
any  rate  than  war. 

It  was  hard  to  stand  steady  in  the  storm.  The  coun 
try  took  fire  as  it  had  done  at  the  passage  of  the  Stamp 
Act.  Harder  things  had  never  been  said  of  king  and 
parliament  than  were  now  said  of  Washington  and  his 
advisers.  Many  stout  champions  stood  to  his  defence — 
none  stouter  or  more  formidable  than  Hamilton,  no 
longer  a  member  of  the  cabinet,  for  imperative  private 
interests  had  withdrawn  him  these  six  months  and 
more,  but  none  the  less  redoubtable  in  the  field  of  con 
troversy.  For  long,  nevertheless,  the  battle  went  heav 
ily  against  the  treaty.  Even  Washington,  for  once, 
stood  a  little  while  perplexed,  not  doubting  his  own  pur 
pose,  indeed,  but  very  anxious  what  the  outcome  should 
be.  Protests  against  his  signing  the  treaty  poured  in 
upon  him  from  every  quarter  of  the  country :  many  of 
them  earnest  almost  to  the  point  of  entreaty,  some  hot 
with  angry  comment.  His  reply,  when  he  vouchsafed 
any,  was  always  that  his  very  gratitude  for  the  appro 
bation  of  the  country  in  the  past  fixed  him  but  the  more 
20 


306  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

firmly  in  his  resolution  to  deserve  it  now  by  obeying  his 
own  conscience.  "  It  is  very  desirable,"  he  wrote  to 
Hamilton,  "  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  after  the  paroxysm 
of  the  fever  is  a  little  abated,  what  the  real  temper  of 
the  people  is  concerning  it ;  for  at  present  the  cry 
against  the  Treaty  is  like  that  against  a  mad  dog;"  but 
he  showed  himself  very  calm  to  the  general  eye,  mak 
ing  his  uneasiness  known  only  to  his  intimates.  The 
cruel  abuse  heaped  upon  him  cut  him  to  the  quick. 
"  Such  exaggerated  and  indecent  terms,"  he  cried,  "  could 
scarcely  be  applied  to  a  Nero,  a  notorious  defaulter, 
or  even  to  a  common  pickpocket."  But  the  men  who 
sneered  and  stormed,  talked  of  usurpation  and  impeach 
ment,  called  him  base,  incompetent,  traitorous  even, 
were  permitted  to  see  not  so  much  as  the  quiver  of  an 
eyelid  as  they  watched  him  go  steadily  from  step  to 
step  in  the  course  he  had  chosen. 

At  last  the  storm  cleared ;  the  bitter  months  were 
over ;  men  at  the  ports  saw  at  length  how  much  more 
freely  trade  ran  under  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  re 
membered  that,  while  they  had  been  abusing  Jay  and 
maligning  the  President,  Thomas  Pinckney  had  ob 
tained  a  treaty  from  Spain  which  settled  the  Florida 
boundary,  opened  the  Mississippi  without  restriction, 
secured  a  place  of  deposit  at  New  Orleans,  and  made 
commerce  with  the  Spaniards  as  free  as  commerce  with 
the  French.  The  whole  country  felt  a  new  impulse  of 
prosperity.  The  "  paroxysm  of  the  fever  "  Avas  over, 
and  shame  came  upon  the  men  who  had  so  vilely  abused 
the  great  President  and  had  made  him  wish,  in  his  bit 
terness,  that  he  were  in  his  grave  rather  than  in  the 
Presidency  ;  who  had  even  said  that  he  had  played  false 
in  the  Revolution,  and  had  squandered  public  moneys ; 


ai. 


IT  is  with  the  deepeft  grief  flia* 
wre  announce  to  the  public  the  deaifi 

our  «g#  d'iftinguijbed  fellow-c 
sen  £K.//.  General  George  Wvjhing 
on.  He  died  at  Mount  Vernon  ctf 
Saturday  evening-,  the  *3th  inft.  oj 
an  Inflammatory  affection  of  the 
hroat,  which  put  a  period  to  his  ex. 
iftence  in  23  hoars. 
1  The  grief  which  we  fuf&r  on  this 
:ruly  mournful  occafion,  would  be 
n  fome  degree  aleviated,  if  -we  pof 
xitTed  abilities  to  do  juttice  to  th< 
aierits  of  this  illuftrious  bcnefafiw $ 


nankind;  but,  confcious  of  our  in- 
eriority,  we  fhrink  from  the  fubli 
irity  df  the  fubjeft.  To  the  i  mpar- 
ial  and  eloquent  biftorian,  thete 
bre,  we  confign  the  high  and  grate- 
ut  office  of  exhibiting  the  life  01 
^eorge  Wafhington  to  the  prefeftt 
ige,  and  to  generations  yet  unborn, 
is  a  perfect  model  of  all  that  is  K 
'uous,  nobie,  great*  and  dignified  ill 
man.  Our  feelings,  however,  will 
not  permit  us  to  forbear  obferving, 
hat  the  very  difintereft  d  and  lm« 
portant  fer  vices  rendered  by  Cforgl 
fbington  to  thefe  United  States 
both  in  the  Field  and  In  the  Cabinet, 
have  creeled  in  the  hearts  of  his 
countrymen,  monuments  of  fine 
and  unbounded  gratitude,  which 
the  mouldering  hand  of  Time  can 
Pol  deface  ^  and  that  in  every  quar 
ter  of  the  Globe,  where  a  tree  Co. 
v«mment  U  .ranked  amongft  the 
choice/I  bteffings  of  Providence,-^ 
virtue*  Morality*  religion,  and  palrb 
tifm  are  rcfpeded,  THE  NAME  d 
WASHINGTON  WILL  BE  HELD  2« 
veneration.  • 

And  at  along  the  fiream  of  rnts,  his  name 
Expauded ffidi,  oad  gather*  «11  its  tece» 


NOTE. — The  announcement  of  the  death  of  Washington  reproduced 
here  was  printed  originally  as  the  leading  editorial  in  the  New  York 
Gazette  and  General  Advertiser  of  Saturday,  December  21, 1799.  This 
daily  newspaper  was  published  by  John  Lang,  Franklin  Head,  No. 
116  Pearl  Street. 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF   THE   UNITED  STATES       307. 

who  had  gone  beyond  threats  of  impeachment  and  dared 
to  hint  at  assassination !  They  saw  the  end  of  his  term, 
approach,  and  would  have  recalled  their  insults.  But 
they  had  alienated  his  great  spirit  forever. 

When  he  had  seen  parties  forming  in  his  cabinet  in 
the  quiet  days  of  his  first  term  as  President,  he  had 
sought  to  placate  differences ;  had  tried  to  bring  Ham 
ilton  and  Jefferson  to  a  cordial  understanding  which 
should  be  purged  of  partisan  bias,  as  he  meant  his  own 
judgments  to  be;  had  deemed  parties  unnecessary  and 
loyalty  to  the  new  Constitution  the  only  standard  of 
preferment  to  office.  But  he  had  come  to  another  mind 
in  the  hard  years  that  followed.  "  I  shall  not,  whilst  I 
have  the  honor  to  administer  the  government,  bring  a 
man  into  any  office  of  consequence  knowingly,"  he  de 
clared  in  the  closing  days  of  1795,  "  whose  political 
tenets  are  adverse  to  the  tenets  which  the  general  gov 
ernment  are  pursuing ;  for  this,  in  my  opinion,  would  be 
a  sort  of  political  suicide  ;"  and  he  left  the  Presidency 
ready  to  call  himself  very  flatly  a  "  Federalist " — of  the 
party  that  stood  for  the  Constitution  and  abated  noth 
ing  of  its  powers.  "  You  could  as  soon  scrub  a  blacka- 
more  white,"  he  cried,  "  as  to  change  the  principle  of  a 
profest  Democrat " — "  he  will  leave  nothing  unattempt- 
ed  to  overturn  the  Government  of  this  Country." 

Affairs  fell  very  quiet  again  as  the  last  year  of  his 
Presidency  drew  towards  its  close.  Brisk  trade  under 
the  new  treaties  heartened  the  country  more  and  more ; 
the  turbulent  democratic  clubs  that  had  so  noisily  af 
fected  French  principles  and  French  modes  of  agitation 
were  sobered  and  discredited,  now  the  Reign  of  Terror 
had  come  and  wrought  its  bloody  work  in  France ;  the 
country  turned  once  more  to  Washington  with  its  old 


308  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

confidence  and  affection,  and  would  have  had  him  take 
the  Presidency  a  third  time,  to  keep  the  government 
steady  in  its  new  ways. 

But  he  would  not  have  the  hard  office  again.  On  the 
19th  of  September,  1796,  he  published  to  the  people  a 
farewell  address,  quick  with  the  solemn  eloquence  men 
had  come  to  expect  from  him.  He  wrote  to  Hamil 
ton  and  to  Madison  for  advice  as  to  what  he  should 
say,  as  in  the  old  days  of  his  diffident  beginnings  in  the 
great  office — though  Hamilton  was  the  arch-Federalist 
and  Madison  was  turning  Democrat — took  their  phrases 
for  his  thought  where  they  seemed  better  than  his  own  ; 
put  the  address  forth  as  his  mature  and  last  counsel  to 
the  little  nation  he  loved.  "  It  wTas  designed,"  he  said, 
"  in  a  more  especial  manner  for  the  yeomanry  of  the 
country,"  and  spoke  the  advice  he  hoped  they  might 
take  to  heart.  The  circumstances  which  had  given  his 
services  a  temporary  value,  he  told  them,  were  passed ; 
they  had  now  a  unified  and  national  government,  which 
might  serve  them  for  great  ends.  He  exhorted  them 
to  preserve  it  intact,  and  not  to  degrade  it  in  the  using ; 
to  put  down  party  spirit,  make  religion,  education,  and 
good  faith  the  guides  and  safeguards  of  their  govern 
ment,  and  keep  it  national  and  their  own  by  excluding 
foreign  influences  and  entanglements.  'Twas  a  noble 
document.  No  thoughtful  man  could  read  it  without 
emotion,  knowing  how  it  spoke  in  all  its  solemn  sen 
tences  the  great  character  of  the  man  whose  career  was 
ended. 

When  the  day  came  on  which  he  should  resign  his 
office  to  John  Adams,  the  great  civilian  who  was  to 
succeed  him,  there  was  a  scene  which  left  no  one  in 
doubt — not  even  Washington  himself — what  the  people 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES       309 

thought  of  the  leader  they  had  trusted  these  twenty 
years.  A  great  crowd  was  assembled  to  see  the  simple 
ceremonies  of  the  inauguration,  as  on  that  April  day  in 
New  York  eight  years  ago ;  but  very  few  in  the  throng 
watched  Adams.  All  eyes  were  bent  upon  that  great 
figure  in  black  velvet,  with  a  light  sword  slung  at  his 
side.  No  one  stirred  till  he  had  left  the  room,  to  follow 
and  pay  his  respects  to  the  new  President.  Then  they 
and  all  the  crowd  in  the  streets  moved  after  him,  an 
immense  company,  going  as  one  man,  "  in  total  silence," 
his  escort  all  the  way.  He  turned  upon  the  threshold 
of  the  President's  lodgings  and  looked,  as  if  for  the  last 
time,  upon  this  multitude  of  nameless  friends.  "  No 
man  ever  saw  him  so  moved."  The  tears  rolled  un 
checked  down  his  cheeks ;  and  when  at  last  he  went 
within,  a  great  smothered  common  voice  went  through 
the  stirred  throng,  as  if  they  sobbed  to  see  their  hero 
go  from  their  sight  forever. 

It  had  been  noted  how  cheerful  he  looked,  at  thought 
of  his  release,  as  he  entered  the  hall  of  the  Representa 
tives,  where  Mr.  Adams  was  to  take  the  oath.  As  soon 
as  possible  he  was  at  his  beloved  Mount  Vernon  once 
more,  to  pick  up  such  threads  as  he  might  of  the  old 
life  again.  "  I  begin  my  diurnal  course  with  the  sun," 
he  wrote,  in  grave  playfulness,  to  a  friend;  "if  my 
hirelings  are  not  in  their  places  by  that  time,  I  send 
them  messages  of  sorrow  for  their  indisposition ;  having 
put  these  wheels  in  motion,  I  examine  the  state  of 
things  further;  the  more  they  are  probed  the  deeper  I 
find  the  wounds  which  my  buildings  have  sustained  by 
an  absence  and  neglect  of  eight  years ;  by  the  time  I 
have  accomplished  these  matters  breakfa'st  (a  little  after 
seven  o'clock,  about  the  time,  I  presume,  that  you  are 


310  GEORGE   WASHINGTON 

taking  leave  of  Mrs.  McHenry)  is  ready;  this  being 
over,  I  mount  my  horse  and  ride  round  my  farms,  which 
employs  me  until  it  is  time  to  dress  for  dinner.  .  .  .  The 
usual  time  of  sitting  at  the  table,  a  walk,  and  tea  bring 
me  within  the  dawn  of  candlelight ;  previous  to  which, 
if  not  prevented  by  company,  I  resolve  that  as  soon  as 
the  glimmering  taper  supplies  the  place  of  the  great 
luminary  I  will  retire  to  my  writing-table  and  acknowl 
edge  the  letters  I  have  received ;  when  the  lights  are 
brought  I  feel  tired  and  disinclined  to  engage  in  this 
work,  conceiving  that  the  next  night  will  do  as  well. 
The  next  night  comes,  and  with  it  the  same  causes  for 
postponement,  and  so  on.  Having  given  you  the  his 
tory  of  a  day,  it  will  serve  for  a  year,  and  I  am  per 
suaded  that  you  will  not  require  a  second  edition  of  it." 
He  had  kept  his  overseers  under  his  hand  all  the  time 
he  was  President;  had  not  forgotten  to  write  to  Dr. 
Young  upon  methods  of  cultivation;  had  shown  the 
same  passion  as  ever  for  speeding  and  regulating  at 
its  best  every  detail  of  his  private  business ;  but  matters 
had  gone  ill  for  lack  of  his  personal  supervision.  He 
was  obliged  to  sell  no  less  than  fifty  thousand  dollars' 
worth  of  his  lands  in  the  course  of  four  or  five  years  to 
defray  the  great  expenses  he  was  put  to  in  the  Presi 
dency  and  the  cost  of  bringing  his  estate  into  solvent 
shape  again.  He  did  not  try  to  begin  anew ;  he  only 
set  things  in  order,  and  kept  his  days  serene. 

A  spark  of  war  was  kindled  by  the  new  administra 
tion's  dealings  with  France,  and  Washington  was  called 
once  more  to  prepare  for  command,  should  the  fighting 
leavj  the  sea  and  come  ashore.  But  formal  war  did  not 
come.  The  flurry  only  kept  him  a  little  nearer  the 
movements  of  politics  than  he  cared  to  be.  He  was  the 


- 


HANOVER  COURT-HOUSE 


THE  OLD  TOMB,  MOUNT  VERNON 


THE   FIRST  PRESIDENT   OF  THE   UNITED  STATES        31 1 

more  uneasy  to  see  how  the  Democrats  bore  themselves 
in  the  presence  of  the  moment's  peril ;  doubted  the  ex 
pediency  of  assigning  men  of  that  party  to  places  of 
command  in  the  army  ;  approved  the  laws  passed  against 
aliens  and  against  those  who  should  utter  seditious  libel 
against  the  government;  showed  again,  and  without  re 
serve,  how  deeply  his  affections  were  engaged  on  the 
side  of  the  institutions  he  had  so  labored  to  set  up  and 
protect ;  was  intolerant  towards  any  who  sought  to 
touch  or  question  at  any  point  their  new  authority — 
imperious  as  of  old  in  question  of  action. 

But  it  was  his  homt  that  chiefly  held  his  thought 
now.  He  had  not  changed  towards  his  friends  through 
all  the  long  years  of  public  care  and  engrossing  business. 
An  old  comrade,  who  had  come  in  his  rough  frontier 
dress  all  the  way  from  far  Kentucky  to  Philadelphia  to 
see  the  President,  had  been  told  "  that  Washington  had 
become  puffed  up  with  the  importance  of  his  station, 
and  was  too  much  of  an  aristocrat  to  welcome  him  in 
that  garb."  But  the  old  soldier  was  not  daunted,  press 
ed  on  to  make  his  call,  and  came  back  to  tell  his  friends 
how  the  President  and  his  lady  had  both  seen  him  and 
recognized  him  from  the  window,  and  had  hurried  to 
the  door  to  draw  him  cordially  in.  "  I  never  was 
better  treated,"  he  said.  "  I  had  not  believed  a  word 
against  him  ;  and  I  found  that  he  was  '  Old  Hoss  '  still." 
'Twas  the  same  with  his  neighbors,  and  with  strangers 
too.  He  was  the  simple  gentleman  of  the  old  days.  A 
strolling  actor,  riding  Mount  Yernon  way  on  a  day  in 
July,  stopped  to  help  a  man  and  woman  who  had  been 
thrown  from  their  chaise,  and  did  not  recognize  the  stal 
wart  horseman  who  galloped  up  to  his  assistance  till 
the  overturned  vehicle  had  been  set  up  again,  they  had 


312  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

dusted  each  the  other's  coat,  and  the  stately  stranger, 
saying  he  had  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him  play  in 
Philadelphia,  had  bidden  him  come  to  the  house  yonder 
and  be  refreshed.  "  Have  I  the  honor  of  addressing 
General  "Washington  ?"  exclaimed  the  astonished  player. 
"  An  odd  sort  of  introduction,  Mr.  Bernard,"  smiled  the 
heated  soldier ;  "  but  I  am  pleased  to  find  you  can  play 
so  active  a  part  in  private,  and  without  a  prompter." 

Those  who  saw  him  now  at  Mount  Yernon  thought 
him  gentler  with  little  children  than  Mrs.  Washington 
even,  and  remembered  how  he  had  always  shown  a  like 
love  and  tenderness  for  them,  going  oftentimes  out  of 
his  way  to  warn  them  of  danger,  with  a  kindly  pat  on 
the  head,  when  he  saw  them  watching  the  soldiers  in 
the  war  days.  Now  all  at  Mount  Yernon  looked  for 
ward  to  the  evening.  That  "  was  the  children's  hour." 
He  had  written  sweet  Nelly  Custis  a  careful  letter  of 
advice  upon  love  matters,  half  grave,  half  playful,  in  the 
midst  of  his  Presidency,  when  the  troubles  with  Eng 
land  were  beginning  to  darken ;  she  had  always  found 
him  a  comrade,  and  had  loved  him  with  an  intimacy 
very  few  could  know.  Now  she  was  to  be  married,  to 
his  own  sister's  son,  and  upon  his  birthday,  February 
22d,  1799.  She  begged  him  to  wear  the  "  grand  em 
broidered  uniform,"  just  made  for  the  French  war,  at 
her  wedding;  but  he  shook  his  head  and  donned  in 
stead  the  worn  buff  and  blue  that  had  seen  real  cam 
paigns.  Then  the  delighted  girl  told  him,  with  her 
arm  about  his  neck,  that  she  loved  him  better  in  that. 

The  quiet  days  went  by  without  incident.  He  served 
upon  a  petty  jury  of  the  county  when  summoned ;  and 
was  more  than  content  to  be  the  simple  citizen  again, 
great  duties  put  by,  small  ones  diligently  resumed. 


THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES       313 

Once  and  again  his  anger  flamed  at  perverse  neglects 
and  tasks  ill  done.  Even  while  he  was  President,  he 
had  stormed  to  find  his  horses  put  to  the  chariot  with 
unpolished  hoofs  upon  a  day  of  ceremony.  But  old  age, 
and  the  consciousness  of  a  lifework  done,  had  added 
serenity  now  to  his  self-control ;  and  at  last  the  end 
came,  when  he  was  readjr.  On  the  12th  of  December, 
1799,  he  was  chilled  through  by  the  keen  winds  and 
cold  rain  and  sleet  that  beat  upon  him  as  he  went  his 
round  about  the  farms.  He  spent  the  evening  cheer 
fully,  listening  to  his  secretary  read ;  but  went  to  bed 
with  a  gathering  hoarseness  and  cold,  and  woke  in  the 
night  sharply  stricken  in  his  throat.  Physicians  came 
almost  at  dawn,  but  the  disease  was  already  beyond 
their  control.  Nothing  that  they  tried  could  stay  it ; 
and  by  evening  the  end  had  come.  He  was  calm  the 
day  through,  as  in  a  time  of  battle ;  knowing  what  be- 
tided,  but  not  fearing  it ;  steady,  noble,  a  warrior  figure 
to  the  last;  and  he  died  as  those  who  loved  him  might 
have  wished  to  see  him  die. 

The  country  knew  him  when  he  was  dead :  knew 
the  majesty,  the  nobility,  the  unsullied  greatness  of  the 
man  who  was  gone,  and  knew  not  whether  to  mourn 
or  give  praise.  He  could  not  serve  them  any  more; 
but  they  saw  his  light  shine  already  upon  the  future  as 
upon  the  past,  and  were  glad.  They  knew  him  now 
the  Happy  Warrior, 

"Whose  powers  shed  round  him,  in  the  common  strife 
Or  mild  concerns  of  ordinary  life, 
A  constant  influence,  a  peculiar  grace  ; 
But  who,  if  he  be  called  upon  to  face 
Some  awful  moment  to  which  Heaven  has  joined 
Great  issues,  good  or  bad,  for  humankind, 


314  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Is  happy  as  a  Lover;  and  attired 
With  sudden  brightness,  like  a  man  inspired  ; 
And,  through  the  heat  of  conflict,  keeps  the  law 
In  calmness  made,  and  sees  what  he  foresaw. 

******* 

A  soul  whose  master-hias  leans 
To  homefelt  pleasures  and  to  gentle  scenes  ; 

******* 
More  brave  for  this,  that  he  hath  much  to  love:- 
*  *  *  the  man,  who,  lifted  high, 
Conspicuous  object  in  a  nation's  eye, 
Or  left  unthought  of  in  obscurity, — 
Who,  with  a  toward  or  untoward  lot, 
Prosperous  or  adverse,  to  his  wish  or  not, 
Plays,  in  the  many  games  of  life,  that  one 
Where  what  he  most  doth  value  must  be  won." 


INDEX 


ACTS  of  Trade,  121. 

Adams,  John,  represents  Massa 
chusetts  in  Congress  at  Phila 
delphia,  154;  character  of,  156- 
157  ;  opinion  of,  concerning  Ma 
ryland  and  Virginia  delegates  to 
Congress  at  Philadelphia,  158  ; 
accused  as  rebel  at  Congress, 
161-162 ;  proposes  Washington 
as  commander  of  Continental 
army,  173  ;  mentioned,  174.  188, 
198;  Vice-President  with  Wash 
ington,  279  ;  elected  Vice-Presi 
dent  the  second  time,  301 ;  in 
augurated  as  President,  309. 

Adams,  Samuel,  represents  Massa 
chusetts  in  Congress  at  Phila 
delphia,  154;  character  of,  155, 
156 ;  accused  as  rebel  at  Con 
gress,  161-162. 

Ajax,  Washington's  horse,  men 
tioned,  110. 

Alexandria,  recruiting  at,  for  west 
ern  expedition,  71,  77  ;  Wash 
ington  rejoins  regiment  at,  78  ; 
Braddock's  regiment  at,  82  ; 
Braddock  calls  council  of  gov 
ernors  at,  83;  Potomac  commis 
sioners  adjourn  from,  to  Mount 
Vernon,  252. 

Allen,  Ethan,  takes  possession  of 
Ticonderoga,  171. 

Ames,  Fisher,  comment  of,  on  in 
auguration  of  Washington,  272. 

Amherst,  General,  takes  Louis- 
bo  urg,  93. 

Annapolis,  Washington  resigns 
commission  at,  226  ;  conference 
of  States  at,  254. 


Army,  Continental,  created  by 
Congress,  173;  Washington  takes 
command  of,  180  ;  unsatisfacto 
ry  condition  of,  182  ;  desertions 
from,  191;  hardships  of,  at  Val 
ley  Forge,  199  ;  trained  by  Steu- 
ben,  200  ;  difficulty  in  maintain 
ing,  206  ;  treatment  of,  after  the 
war,  218 ;  efforts  of  Washington 
in  behalf  of,  221;  Washington's 
loss  of  popularity  with,  222;  dis 
affection  in,  222-223 ;  resolution 
passed  by  officers  of,  223. 

Army  and  navy,  steps  for  forma 
tion  of,  295.  " 

Arnold,  Benedict,  attempt  of,  to 
capture  Quebec,  183  ;  Carleton 
checked  by,  194,  198  ;  at  Sara 
toga,  195  ;  treason  of,  207. 

Articles  of  Confederation,  adopted 
by  states,  213  ;  effect  of,  214. 

Asgill,  Captain  Charles,  incident 
of,  225  ;  Washington's  gratifica 
tion  at  release  of,  225. 

Attorney-General,  creation  of  of 
fice  of,  by  Congress,  277. 

BARTER,  Philip,  Washington's 
gardener,  makes  agreement  with 
Washington,  240. 

Beaujeu  leads  attack  on  Brad- 
dock  and  is  killed,  88. 

Beausejour,  expedition  planned 
against,  84  ;  taken,  90. 

Belvoir,  seat  of  William  Fairfax, 
51 ;  life  at,  53 ;  referred  to, 
107. 

Bennington,  Vermont,  attack  on, 
195, 


316 


INDEX 


Berkeley,  Sir  William,  resigns  Vir 
ginia  to  the  Commonwealth,  13. 

Bernard,  an  actor,  meeting  of,  with 
Washington,  312. 

Betty,  Parson,  description  of,  by 
Colonel  Byrd,  35. 

Beverley,  Robert,  writings  and 
character  of,  31-32  ;  character 
ization  of  Virginia  by,  32 ;  on 
Virginian  hospitality,  50. 

Bishop,  servant  of  Washington,  at 
Mrs.  Custis's,  100  ;  pensioned  by 
Washington,  241. 

Blair,  James,  "  commissary  "  to.  the 
Bishop  of  London  in  Virginia, 
character,  influence,  and  breed 
ing  of,  36-37. 

Blair,  John,  President  of  Virginia 
Council,  139;  appointed  delegate 
to  Philadelphia  conference,  257  ; 
appointed  to  Supreme  Court,  281. 

Bland,  Richard,  referred  to,  in  con 
nection  with  debate  of  Stamp 
Act,  130  ;  referred  to,  135  ;  pam 
phlet  of,  on  colonial  rights,  138  ; 
chosen  delegate  to  Congress  at 
Philadelphia,  148  ;  votes  re 
ceived  by,  as  delegate  to  Con 
gress,  161  ;  opposes  Henry  in 
convention,  170;  mentioned,  172; 
death  of,  234. 

Blueskin,  Washington's  horse, 
mentioned,  110. 

Board  of  Trade,  search-warrants 
issued  by,  122. 

Boston,  Washington  visits,  in  1756, 
92;  troops  sent  to,  140;  massa 
cre  in,  145  ;  "Tea  Party,"  148  ; 
port  of,  closed,  148 ;  fresh  troops 
sent  to,  168;  Continental  troops 
in  front  of,  171  ;  reinforced  by 
General  Howe,  179  ;  evacuation 
of,  by  British,  185  ;  Washington 
occupies,  185  ;  D'Estaing's  fleet 
at,  204. 

Boston  News  Letter,  referred  to, 
121. 

Botetourt,  Lord,  appointed  Gov 
ernor-General  of  Virginia,  139  ; 
attempts  to  dissolve  House  of 
Burgesses,  140 ;  attitude  of,  tow 
ards  colonists,  141 ;  death  of, 
141. 


Bowdoin,  Governor,  of  Massachu 
setts,  urges  convention  of  states, 
253. 

Braddock,  Major-General  Edward, 
made  commander-in-chief  in 
America,  81;  "a  very  Iroquois 
in  disposition,  "81;  invites  Wash 
ington  to  his  staff,  83  ;  plan  of, 
for  attacking  Fort  Duquesne, 
84 ;  force  of,  against  Fort  Du 
quesne,  85  ;  advance  of,  upon 
Duquesne,  85-86  ;  unreasonable 
temper  of,  on  the  advance,  86  ; 
defeat  of,  86  ff. ;  stupid  tactics 
of,  87  ;  bravery  of,  88  ;  death  of, 
89  ;  buried  in  the  road,  89  ;  losses 
in  force  of,  89  ;  papers  of,  taken 
at  Duquesne,  90  ;  former  master 
of  Washington's  servant,  100  : 
referred  to,  161. 

Brandywine,  the,  Washington  de 
feated  at,  196. 

Brest,  French  fleet  blockaded  at, 
207. 

Bridges'  Creek,  homestead  of  Au 
gustine  Washington,  birthplace 
of  George,  40-41  ;  Washington 
with  his  brother  Augustine  at, 
51. 

Brofflie,  Prince  de,  216. 

Bunker  Hill,  battle  of,  179-180. 

Burgesses,  House  of,  Governor 
Spots  wood  on  education  of  mem 
bers  of,  38  ;  Augustine  Wash- 
ton  in,  46  ;  quarrels  with  Din- 
widdie  about  land  fee,  69;  grants 
money  for  an  expedition  to  the 
Ohio,  71  ;  thanks  Washington 
for  service  at  Great  Meadows, 
77;  votes  more  money  against 
the  French,  79  ;  appoints  com 
mittee  to  spend  money  granted, 
79  ;  thanks  Washington  for  his 
services  with  Braddock,  91 ; 
Washington  chosen  member  of, 
103;  Washington's  election  ex 
penses  to  the,  109  ;  temper  of, 
at  time  of  Washington's  en 
trance,  113 ;  memorial  of,  to 
King,  protesting  against  Stamp 
Act,  124  - 125  ;  action  of,  on 
resolutions  concerning  taxa 
tion,  125;  dissolved  by  Gov- 


INDEX 


317 


ernorFauquier,  133  ;  attempt  of 
Botetourt  to  dissolve,  140 ;  res 
olution  of,  against  importing 
taxed  articles,  140  ;  convened 
by  Dunmore,  146  ;  resolves  to 
urge  a  Congress  of  all  the  colo 
nies,  148  ;  gives  a  ball  to  Lady 
Dunmore,  148  ;  last  meeting  of, 
172. 

Burgoyne,  General,  plan  of  cam 
paign  of,  194  ;  capture  of  Ticon- 
deroga  by,  195  ;  movements  of, 
195  ;  capitulation  of,  195,  197. 

Burke,  Edmund,  knowledge  of,  of 
temper  of  colonies,  117. 

Burnaby,  Rev.  Andrew,  Vicar  of 
Greenwich,  views  of,  on  public 
character  of  Virginians  in  1759, 
120. 

Byrd,  Colonel  William,  remark  of, 
concerning  exploration  of  the 
interior,  12  ;  remark  of,  concern 
ing  character  of  New-Eugland- 
ers,  12  ;  on  the  powers  of  colo 
nial  governors,  26;  character  and 
breeding  of,  32  ft'.;  influence  of, 
in  development  of  Virginia.  33- 
34  ;  undaunted  spirits  of,  34-35  ; 
characteristics  of,  as  a  writer,  33- 
35 ;  remark  of,  about  North 
Carolina,  34,  38;  description  of 
Mr.  Betty  by,  35;  on  Captain 
Washington's  management  of 
iron  mines,  45 ;  opinion  of,  re 
garding  taxation,  119-120  ;  re 
mark  of,  120. 

CAMDEN,  Cornwallis  routs  Gates 
at,  205. 

Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  attempt  of,  on 
Champlain. 

Carr,  Dabney,  meets  with  Henry 
and  others  to  discuss  colonial  af 
fairs,  146. 

Cartagenn,  Lawrence  Washington 
at  siege  of.  47-48. 

Cary,  Miss,  Washington's  relations 
with,  101. 

Gary,  Robert,  &  Company,  Wash 
ington's  factors  in  London,  105; 
carefully  watched  by  Washing 
ton,  112. 

Champlain,  Lake,  the  French  es 


tablished  upon,  61  ;  attempt  at 
capture  of,  by  Carleton, -194. 

Charleston,  creation  of,  18  ;  a  cen 
tre  for  pirates,  21  ;  taking  of, 
by  Clinton,  205. 

Charlestown,  occupied  by  Conti 
nental  troops,  179  ;  captured  by 
British,  180. 

Chastellux,  Marquis  de,  216,  217, 
218  ;  Washington's  congratula 
tions  of,  on  hfs  maniage7260. 

Chatham,  Lord,  knowledge  of,  of 
temper  of  colonies,  117  ;  com 
ment  of,  on  Rockingham's  "de 
claratory  act,"  138  ;  advocates 
conciliation  of  America,  167. 

Chinkling,  Washington's  horse, 
mentioned,  110. 

Church,  position  of  Established, 
in  colonial  Virginia,  8. 

Clark,  George  Rogers,  drives  Brit 
ish  from  the  Illinois,  204. 

Clinton,  General,  succeeds  General 
Howe,  202  ;  ordered  to  leave 
Philadelphia,  202;  attacked  by 
Washington  atMonmouth  Court 
House,  202  ;  withdraws  to  New 
York,  203  ;  troops  sent  by,  take 
Savannah, 204  ;  goes  south,  205; 
captures  Charleston,  205 ;  returns 
north,  205. 

Colonies,  English,  in  America, 
« population  and  condition  of,  in 
1732,  4;  individual  development 
of,  4-5  ;  contrast  between  Vir 
ginia  and  New  England,  9,  13- 
14;  expansion  of,  after  the  Res 
toration,  17-18;  expulsion  of  the 
Dutch  from,  17;  mixture  of 
population  in  middle  and  south 
ern,  18-19;  exchange  of  popula 
tion  amongst,  19  ;  nature  of  set 
tlement  of,  20 ;  operation  of 
the  Navigation  Acts  upon,  20  ; 
smuggling  and  privateering 
in,  21;  piracy  in,  21-22  ;  irrita 
tion  of,  with  regard  to  Naviga 
tion  Acts,  22 ;  early  effects  of  the 
French  power  on,  23  ft".  ;  stub 
born  separateness  and  indepen 
dence  of,  in  respect  of  govern 
ment,  23-27;  drawn  into  Euro 
pean  politics  by  presence  of  the 


318 


INDEX 


French  in  North  America,  25; 
separate  action  of,  in  dealing 
with  the  French,  25-26;  first 
feeling  of  independence  among, 
113-114;  effect  of  close  of 
French  war  on,  113;  taxation  of, 
best  imposed  by  Parliament,  118; 
resistance  to  port  dues  in,  122  ; 
Stamp  Act  imposed  on,  123-124; 
spread  of  Henry's  resolutions 
through,  134;  delegates  of, 'as 
semble  in  New  York,  134 ;  cus 
tom-house  and  revenue  commis 
sioners  created  for,  139;  attitude 
of,  towards  Massachusetts,  154- 
155;  adopt  Articles  of  Confed 
eration,  213. 

Concord,  fighting  begins  at,  170. 

Conference,  at  Annapolis,  signifi 
cance  of,  254;  at  Philadelphia, 
256;  twelve  states  represented 
in,  258  ;  frames  constitution, 
259;  adjournment  of,  259. 

Congress,  delegates  to,  from  Vir 
ginia,  148;  at  Philadelphia,  149; 
delegates  to, from  Massachusetts, 
154;  unfitness  of,  for  counsel, 
157 ;  leadership  of  Virginian 
delegates  in,  158-159;  forms 
declaration  of  rights,  164-165; 
adjournment  of,  165 ;  second 
Continental,  meets  at  Philadel 
phia  (1775),  171;  business  trans 
acted  by,  171;  appoints  Wasl1' 
ington  commander  of  Continen 
tal  Army,  173;  removes  to  Balti 
more.  191 ;  Washington's  power 
increased  by,  194 ;  inefficiency 
of,  197,  206;  policy  of,  with  re 
gard  to  western  lands, 247;  Wash 
ington  urges  increase  of  power 
of,  248;  inability  of,  to  pay  na 
tional  debts,  249  ;  Washington's 
letter  to  Lee  on  contempt  for 
authority  of,  254 ;  indifference 
of,  towards  Hamilton's  proposal, 
256;  weakness  of,  in  face  of  re 
bellion,  256;  sanctions  confer 
ence  at  Philadelphia,  256;  con 
vening  of  first,  under  the  Con 
stitution,  265;  organizes  vari 
ous  departments,  277;  meas 
ures  adopted  by,  for  settle 


ment  of  public  debt,  284;  bill 
defeated  in,  for  assumption  of 
state  debts  by  government,  285; 
compromise  in,  effected  by  Jef 
ferson,  287;  taxes  levied  by, 
293;  division  in,  over  constitu 
tional  powers,  294;  changes  in, 
301;  lays  taxes  on  distilled  spir 
its,  302. 

Congress  at  New  York,  delegates 
sent  to,  by  nine  colonies,  134; 
bill  of  rights  and  immunities 
passed  by,  134. 

Connecticut  fails  to  send  delegates 
to  Annapolis  conference,  254. 

Constitution,  framed  by  confer 
ence  at  Philadelphia,  259;  im 
partial  interest  of  Washington 
in  discussions  of,  259;  adoption 
of,  260. 

Contrecoeur,  commander  at  Du- 
quesne, against  Braddock,  87-88. 

Corbin,  Richard,  acquaints  Wash 
ington  with  his  commission  as 
lieutenant-colonel,  72. 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  advances  to  meet 
Washington,  192;  defeat  of  de 
tachment  of,  at  Princeton,  193  ; 
retreat  of,  to  New  York,  193  ; 
defeats  Gates  at  Camden,  205; 
defeat  of,  at  King's  Mountain, 
North  Carolina,  208 ;  forced  into 
Virginia,  208;  at  Yorktown,  208, 
209;  surrender  of,  209;  admira 
tion  of,  for  Washington,  209. 

Craik,  Dr.,  accompanies  Washing 
ton  on  western  journey,  242. 

Crawford,  Captain,  correspond 
ence  of,  with  Washington,  143. 

Criminals, hired  for  private  service 
in  colonial  Virginia,  7;  importa 
tion  of,  for  servants,  45. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  the  instrument 
and  representative  of  a  minor 
ity,  10. 

Crown  Point,  a  French  post  at,  61; 
William  Johnson  chosen  to  lead 
attack  upon,  84  ;  Johnson  does 
not  reach,  90  ;  taken  possession 
of  by  insurgents,  171. 

Culpeper  County,  Washington 
made  official  surveyor  for,  56. 

Gushing, Thomas,  represents  Mas- 


INDEX 


319 


sachusetts  in  Congress  at  Phila 
delphia,  154. 

Gushing,  William,  appointed  to 
Supreme  Court,  281. 

Custis,  Daniel  Parke,  first  husband 
of  Martha  Custis,  99  ;  leaves 
property  to  wife  and  children, 
104. 

Custis,  "Jack,"  placed  at  King's 
College  by  Washington,  147; 
married,  147,  174 ;  death  of, 
224. 

Custis,  Martha,  meets  with  Wash 
ington,  99  ;  previous  life  of, 
99-100  ;  Washington  becomes 
engaged  to,  101;  marriage  of,  to 
Washington,  102. 

Custis,  Nelly,  marriage  of,  312. 

Custis,  "  Patsy,"  death  of,  147. 

DANDRIDGE,  Francis,  Washing 
ton  writes  to,  about  Stamp  Act, 
134. 

Deane,  Silas,  opinion  of,  of  South 
ern  delegates  to  Congress  at 
Philadelphia,  158. 

Declaration  of  independence,  mo 
tion  for,  adopted,  187. 

De  Lancey,  James,  Governor  of 
New  York,  consults  with  Brad- 
dock  at  Alexandria,  83. 

Delaware,  crossed  by  Washington, 
191;  forts  on,  taken  by  Howe, 
197  ;  delegates  from,  to  Annap 
olis  conference,  254. 

Department  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
organization  of,  277. 

Department  of  State  organized  by 
Congress,  277. 

Department  of  the  Treasury,  or 
ganization  of,  277. 

Department  of  War  organized  by 
Congress,  277. 

Dickinson,  John,  170. 

Dieskau,  Count,  defeated  by  John 
son  at  Lake  George,  90. 

Dinw7iddie,  Governor,  appoints 
Washington  adjutant-general  of 
a  military  district.  58  ;  member 
of  Ohio  company,  62-64  ;  activ 
ity  of,  against  the  French,  62-64; 
authorized  to  warn  the  French 
from  the  Ohio,  63  ;  sends  Wash 


ington  to  convey  warning.  64  ; 
correspondence  of,  with  Law 
rence  Washington,  64;  speaks  of 
young  Washington  as  "a  per 
son  of  distinction, "64  ;  contest 
with  the  Burgesses  on  the  land 
fee,  69  ;  orders  a  draft  of  mili 
tia  to  be  sent  to  the  Ohio,  69  ; 
feeling  of,  towards  the  Burgess 
es, 70  ;  orders  Washington's  jour 
nal  to  the  Ohio  printed,  70;  im 
patience  of,  to  reattack  the 
French,  78  ;  resolves  militia  in 
to  independent  companies,  79  ; 
restrained  in  expenditure  of 
money  by  committee  of  Bur 
gesses,  79  ;  consults  with  Brad- 
dock  at  Alexandria,  83  ;  on  the 
cowardice  of  Colonel  Dunbar, 
90. 

Dorchester  Heights,  179 ;  occu 
pied  by  Washington,  184. 

Dun  bar,  Colonel,  given  command 
of  Braddock's  rear  division,  86  ; 
craven  behavior  of,  after  Brad- 
dock's  defeat,  90. 

Dun  more,  John  Murray,  Earl  of, 
becomes  governor  of  Virginia, 
145  ;  convenes  House  of  ^Bur 
gesses,  146  ;  reports  of,  on  con 
dition  of  Virginia,  168;  lands 
troops  near  Williamsburg,  170  ; 
flight  of,  172;  raids  of,  upon 
Virginia,  186-187. 

Duplaine,  French  consul  at  Bos 
ton,  300. 

Duquesne,  the  Marquis,  becomes 
governor  on  the  St.  Lawrence, 
60  ;  forestalls  the  English  in  the 
west,  62. 

Duquesne,  Fort,  built  by  French 
on  the  Ohio,  73  ;  Braddock's 
plan  for  attacking,  84;  Virgin 
ian  route  to,  chosen  by  Brad- 
clock,  85  ;  Braddock's  defeat  at, 
86-89  ;  General  Forbes  sent  to 
command  expedition  against, 
93  ;  taken  and  renamed  Fort 
Pitt,  94 ;  Forties's  preparations 
for  advancing  against,  100. 

Dutch,  conquest  of  the,  in  Amer 
ica,  17;  presence  of,  in  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania,  18. 


320 


INDEX 


EDEN,  Charles,  Governor  of  North 
Carolina,  accompanies  Wash 
ington  to  Philadelphia,  143. 

Edict  of  Nantes,  Revocation  of, 
sends  Huguenots  to  America, 
18. 

,Education,  unsystematic  charac 
ter  of,  in  early  Virginia,  29-30. 

Elkton,  Howe 'land's  troops  at, 
196. 

England,  compelled  to  act  for 
herself  against  the  French  in 
America  by  the  colonies,  27  ; 
neglects  government  of  colonies, 
117-118  ;  attitude  of,  towards 
United  States,  248 ;  war  of,  with 
France,  297 ;  covert  hostilities 
of,  against  United  States,  302  ; 
John  Jay  sent  to,  302  ;  treaty 
with,  effected  by  John  Jay,  304. 

Estaing,  Count  d',  appears  off 
New  York,  203;  refits  fleet,  204. 

FAIRFAX,  Anne,  marries  Law 
rence  Washington,  48  ;  family 
connections  of,  48-49. 

Fairfax,  George,  Washington's 
companion  in  western  survey 
ing,  54. 

Fairfax,  Thomas,  third  Lord,  sum 
mons  Colonel  H.  Washington 
at  Worcester,  48-49. 

Fairfax,  Thomas,  sixth  Baron,  es 
tates  of,  in  Northern  Neck,  49 ; 
life  and  character  of.  49-50  ; 
establishes  himself  in  Virginia, 
49-50;  liking  of,  for  Washing 
ton,  53;  employs  Washington 
as  surveyor,  53-56;  purpose  of, 
in  coming  to  America,  54  ;  chief 
in  hunting  parties,  109. 

Fairfax,  William,  family  and  ca 
reer  of,  48-49;  president  of  the 
King's  Council,  50-51;  Belvoir, 
seat  of,  51,  53;  influence  of,  upon 
Washington,  51-53  ;  cheers 
Washington  at  the  frontier,  92. 

Fauquier,  Francis,  Governor  of 
Virginia,  present  at  Washing 
ton's  marriage,  102  ;  dissolves 
House  of  Burgesses,  133  ;  tastes 
of,  136  ;  death  of,  139. 

Federal    Hall,   New  York  City, 


Washington  takes  oath  of  office 
in,  269. 

Federalists  support  Washington, 
301. 

Finns  in  Pennsylvania,  18. 

Forbes,  General,  sent  to  Virginia 
to  command  against  Fort  Du- 
quesue,  93;  takes  Duquesne,  94; 
preparations  of,  for  advancing 
against  Duquesne,  100. 

Fort  Cumberland,  built  by  Cap 
tain  Innes  at  Will's  Creek,  78  ; 
Braddock  at,  85  ;  deserted  by 
Colonel  Dunbar,  90. 

"Fort  Necessity,"  Washington's 
intrenchmeuts  at  Great  Mead 
ows.  75. 

Fort  Pitt,  Fort  Duquesne  renamed, 
94 ;  left  in  charge  of  Colonel  Mer 
cer,  101. 

Fort  Washington,  surrender  of,  by 
General  Greene,  190. 

Fort  William  Henry  taken  by  the 
French,  90. 

France,  money  loaned  by,  199  ; 
forms  alliance  withUuited  States, 
201 ;  United  States  in  debt  to,  249 ; 
effects  of  Revolution  iu,on  Amer 
ica,  289;  progress  of  Revolution 
in,  292  ;  Washington's  attitude 
towards,  290-292,  296;  at  war 
with  England,  297;  war  of,  with 
United  States  threatened,  310. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  on  Braddock's 
plan  for  attacking  Fort  Du 
quesne,  84  ;  remark  of,  197. 

Fraunce's  Tavern,  Washington's 
farewell  to  officers  at,  226. 

Frederick  County,  Washington 
chosen  member  of  House  of 
Burgesses  for,  103. 

Frederick  the  Great,  provokes  for 
mation  of  league  against  himself, 
80,  193 ;  comment  of,  203. 

Fredericksburg,  228,  265. 

French,  in  Pennsylvania  and  the 
southern  colonies,  18;  threaten 
ing  power  of,  in  North  America, 
22  ff. ;  development  of  conquest 
by,  in  America,  23;  hold  of,  upon 
the  fur  trade,  23-24  ;  effect  of 
power  of,  upon  relations  of  col 
onies  to  England,  25  ;  separate 


INDEX 


321 


action  of  colonies  in  dealing 
with,  25-26  ;  indecisive  wars 
with,  in  America, 27;  movements 
of,  in  the  West,  1752,  59-60  ;  ag 
gressive  efficiency  of,  60;  warned 
from  the  Ohio  by  Diuwiddie, 
64-66  ;  at  Fort  Le  Boeuf,  65  ; 
claims  of,  to  the  West.  66 ;  seize 
fort  at  forks  of  the  Ohio,  71 ;  in 
crease  their  force  on  the  Ohio, 
72;  build  Fort  Duquesne,  73;  at 
tacked  by  Washington  nearGreat 
Meadows,  73-74;  profess  friend 
ship  for  the  English,  80-81;  send 
reinforcements  to  Canada,  81  ; 
force  of,  against  Braddock,  87  ; 
lose  Louisbourg,  93,  Duquesne, 
94,  Quebec,  95  ;  volunteer  for 
service  in  America,  200;  respect 
of,  for  Washington,  215. 

French  and  Indian  War,  begun  by 
Washington,  73-74;  action  in,  at 
Great  Meadows,  74-75  ;  Brad- 
dock  made  commander-in-chief 
in,  81;  Braddock's  defeat  in.  86 
ff. ;  goes  heavily  Ugaiust  the  Eng 
lish,  90;  drags  upon  the  frontier, 
91 ;  goes  against  the  French,  93- 
95;  effect  of  close  of,  on  colo 
nies,  113;  close  of,  114. 

French  Revolution,  beginning  of, 
289;  progress  of,  292;  Washing 
ton's  attitude  towards,  290-292, 
296. 

Fry,  Colonel  Joshua,  made  com 
mander  of  western  expedition, 
72  ;  dies,  73. 

Fur  trade,  early  rivalry  of  French 
and  Englishm  the,  23-25;  effort 
of  the  English  to  control,  at  Os- 
wego,  61. 

GAGE,  General,  170. 

Galloway,  Joseph,  leader  of  Penn 
sylvania  delegation,  164;  propo 
sition  of,  in  Congress,  164. 

Gardoqui  insists  on  closing  the 
Mississippi,  254. 

Gaspe,  schooner,  destruction  of, 
146. 

Gates,  General,  198  ;  defeated  at 
Camden,  South  Carolina,  205. 

Genet,  Edmond  Charles,  minister 
21 


from  France,  297;  conduct  of, 
in  America,  298  ;  plans  of,  de 
feated  by  Washington,  298  ;  re 
call  of,  300. 

Georgia,  prevented  by  governor 
from  sending  delegates  to  "  con 
gress"  in  New  York,  134;  over 
run  by  British,  204;  fails  to 
send  delegates  to  Annapolis  con 
ference,  255. 

Germans,  in  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia,  18  ;  settle  in  valley  of 
Shenandoah,  61;  Pennsylvanian, 
oppose  war  with  France,  63  ; 
attacked  by  Indians  on  Virgin 
ian  frontier,  91 ;  volunteer  for 
service  in  America,  200. 

Germantown,  battle  of,  197. 

Gist,  Christopher,  agent  of  Ohio 
Company,  65;  goes  with  Wash 
ington  to  warn  the  French,  65  ; 
solicitude  of,  for  Washington, 
66. 

Gooch,  William,  Governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  40. 

Grafton  referred  to,  139. 

Grasse,  Count  de,  co-operates  with 
Washington  before  Yorktown, 
209. 

Great  Meadows,  Washington  en 
camps  at.  73;  "a  charming  field 
for  an  encounter,"  73;  Wash 
ington  attacked  by  Villiers  at, 
74-75  ;  bought  by  Washington, 
144;  referred  to,  161. 

Greene,  General,  surrender  of 
Fort  Washington  by,  190  ;  har 
asses  Cornwallis  in  North  Caro 
lina,  208. 

Greenway  Court,  built  by  Lord 
Fairfax,  50 ;  Washington  at, 
55-56;  referred  to,  107. 

Grenville,  George,  Prime -Minis 
ter,  favors  direct  taxation  of 
colonies,  119;  attempt  of,  to  en 
force  collection  of  port  dues, 

122  ;    proposes  Stamp  Act,  and 
billeting  of  troops  in  colonies, 

123  ;  referred  to,  139. 
Gunston  Hall,  centre  of  sport,  109. 

HAMILTON,  Alexander,  address  of, 
to  the  states,  255  ;  previous  rec- 


322 


INDEX 


ord  of,  256  ;  favors  adoption 
of  Constitution,  259  ;  urges 
Washington  to  accept  presi 
dency,  262;  referred  to/  273; 
appointed  Secretary  of  Treas 
ury,  278;  Washington's  reasons 
for  choice  of,  279  ;  policy  of, 
282-283  ;  plans  of,  for  settle 
ment  of  public  debt,  284  ;  Jef 
ferson's  envy  of,  287  ;  relations 
of,  with  Washington,  288  ;  re 
ferred  to,  292  ;  arguments  of,  for 
National  Bank,  294  ;  attacked 
in  the  House  by  Madison,  301; 
defence  of  Washington  by,  305  ; 
referred  to,  307 ;  Washington 
ask-*  advice  of,  308. 

Hamilton,  Governor,  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  acts  with  Ohio  Company, 
63. 

Hancock,  Governor,  of  Massachu 
setts,  visit  of,  to  Washington, 
282. 

Hard  wick,  Washington's  overseer, 
108. 

Harlem  Heights,  right  at,  190. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  chosen  dele 
gate  to  a  congress  in  Philadel 
phia,  148;  referred  to,  157;  votes 
received  by,  as  delegate  to  con 
gress,  161 ;  opposes  Henry  in 
convention,  170  ;  mentioned, 
172  ;  Governor  of  Virginia,  234. 

Harrison,  R.  H. ,  appointed  to 
Supreme  Court,  281. 

Haw  ley,  Joseph,  advice  of,  to  rep 
resentatives  of  Massachusetts  at 
Philadelphia,  155  ;  referred  to, 
158. 

Hay,  Anthony,  Burgesses  meet  at 
house  of,  140. 

Henry,  Patrick,  family  and  char 
acter  of,  126-127  ;  entrance  of, 
into  House  of  Burgesses,  127; 
appearance  and  dress  of,  127  ; 
comparison  of,  with  Washing 
ton.  127  ;  previous  life  of,  128; 
leadership  of, in  debate  of  Stamp 
Act,  128-129  ;  triumph  of,  in  de 
bate  of  Stamp  Act,  132;  influence 
on  colonies  of  resolutions  of,  134; 
recognized  as  a  leader,  138  ; 
meets  with  Jefferson  and  others 


to  discuss  colonial  affairs,  146  ; 
chosen  delegate  to  Congress  at 
Philadelphia,  148-149  ;  leader 
ship  of,  in  Congress  at  Philadel 
phia,  159  ;  votes  received  by,  as 
delegate  to  Congress,  161  ;  criti 
cised  for  boldness,  163  ;  referred 
to,  165  ;  advocates  arming  col 
onists,  169;  heads  militiamen 
against  Dunmore,  171;  mention 
ed,  172 ;  chosen  governor  of 
Virginia,  234  ;  appointed  dele 
gate  to  conference  at  Philadel 
phia,  257 ;  opposes  Constitution, 
260  ;  referred  to,  280. 

Hessians  surrendered  to  Wash 
ington,  192. 

Holland,  United  States  in  debt  to, 
249. 

Howe,  Admiral  Lord,  assists  Gen 
eral  Howe  at  New  York,  189 ; 
offers  pardon  for  submission, 
189,  191. 

Howe,  General  William,  reinforces 
Boston,  179  ;  evacuates  Boston, 
185  ;  forces  » Washington  from 
Brooklyn  Heights,  189;  plans  of, 
194  ;  movements  of,  195  ;  ad 
vance  of,  on  Philadelphiachecked 
by  Washington,  196  ;  landing 
of,  at  Elkton,  196  ;  defeats 
Washington  at  the  Brandy  wine, 
196  ;  enters  Philadelphia,  197  ; 
attacked  by  Washington  at,  Ger- 
mantovvn,  197  ;  winters  at  Phila 
delphia,  197 ;  resigns  command, 
202. 

ILLINOIS,  the  French  in  the  coun 
try  of  the,  23. 

Independent  Company,  temper  of. 
from  South  Carolina  at  G  resit 
Meadows,  73  ;  from  New  York 
fails  to  join  Washington  against 
the  French,  76  ;  from  New  York 
and  from  South  Carolina  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  78  ;  from  New 
York  with  Braddock,  85. 

Indians,  Ohio  Company,  makes  in 
terest  with,  61-62;  Washington's 
efforts  to  retain  friendship  of,  for 
the  English.  66;  with  Villiers  at 
Great  Meadows,  75  ;  Washing- 


INDEX 


323 


ton's  struggle  with  the,  on  the 
frontier,   91-92 ;   desert  French 
at  Duquesue,  93-94. 
Innes,  Captain,  builds  Fort  Cum 
berland  at  Will's  Creek,  78. 

JAY,  John,  supports  proposition 
of  Rutledge  in  Congress,  164  ; 
proposition  of,  concerning  Mis 
sissippi,  246  ;  favors  adoption 
of  Constitution,  259  ;  appointed 
chief -justice,  281 ;  sent  by  Wash 
ington  to  England,  302  ;  provi 
sions  of  treaty  effected  by,  304. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  referred  to, 
137  ;  meets  with  Henry  and 
others  to  discuss  colonial  affairs, 
146  ;  becomes  governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  234  ;  appointed  Secretary 
of  State,  278;  Washington's  rea 
sons  for  choice  of,  279  ;  compro 
mise  in  Congress  effect  ed  by,  287 ; 
envy  of,  of  Hamilton,  287 ;  re 
lation  of,  with  Washington,  288  ; 
French  influences  on,  289  ;  op 
position  of,  to  National  Bank, 
293  ;  letter  to,  from  Washington, 
concerning  United  States  policy 
towards  France,  297  ;  neutrality 
violated  by,  299 ;  leaves  the 
cabinet,  301  ;  remark  of,  on 
Whiskey  Rebellion,  304 ;  re 
ferred  to,  307. 

Johnson,  Governor,  of  Maryland, 
urges  Washington  to  accept 
presidency,  261. 

Johnson,  Colonel  William,  chosen 
to  lead  attack  on  Crown  Point, 
84;  beats  Dieskau  at  Lake 
George,  90. 

Jones,  Rev.  Husrh,  author  of  Pres 
ent  State  of  Virginia,  36. 

Jones,  John  Paul,  205. 

Jumonville,  M.,  killed  near  Great 
Meadows,  74  ;  death  of,  begins 
French  and  Indian  War,  74,  80. 

KEITH,  Sir  William,  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  suggestion  of,  for 
taxation  of  colonies,  118 ;  re 
ferred  to.  119. 

Keppel,  Admiral,  commands  fleet 
sent  to  Virginia,  81. 


Knox,  General,  Washington's  fare 
well  to,  226  ;  letter  to,  from 
Washington,  266  ;  made  Secre 
tary  of  War,  278. 

Knyphausen,  General,  left  by  Clin 
ton  in  charge  of  New  York,  205. 

LAFAYETTE,  Mai  quisde,  volunteers 
for  service  in  America,  200,  202; 
harasses  Cornwallis  in  Virginia, 
208  ;  letter  of  Washington  to, 
237 ;  remark  of,  concerning 
Washington's  home  life,  239 ; 
sends  hounds  to  Washington, 
243 ;  becomes  people's  leader  in 
French  Revolution,  290. 

Lake  George,  Dieskau  beaten  by 
Johnson  at,  90. 

Land  fee,  protest  of  the  Virginia 
Burgesses  concerning,  69. 

Laurie,  Dr.,  comes  to  Mount  Ver- 
nou  drunk,  109. 

Lee,  Arthur,  referred  to,  141. 

Lee,  Charles,  168  ;  second  in  com 
mand  to  Washington,  191;  taken 
prisoner,  191;  treachery  of,  202. 

Lee,  Henry  ("  Light -horse  Har 
ry"),  208. 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  referred  to, 
132 ;  forms  association  for  re 
sistance  to  Stamp  Act,  135 ; 
meets  with  Henry  and  others  to 
discuss  colonial  affairs,  146 ; 
chosen  delegate  to  Congress  at 
Philadelphia,  148  ;  leadership  of, 
in  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  159; 
votes  received  by,  as  delegate 
to  Congress,  161  ;  interview  of, 
with  Massachusetts  delegates, 
161-162  ;  referred  to,  166  ;  men 
tioned,  172  ;  motion  of,  for  dec 
laration  of  independence,  187  ; 
harasses  Cornwallis  in  North 
Carolina,  208,  235 ;  Washing- 
ton's  letter  to,  on  contempt  for 
authority  of  Congress,  254  ;  op 
poses  Constitution,  260;  referred 
to,  280. 

Lee,  Thomas,  president  of  Ohio 
Company,  64. 

Lewis,  Mrs.,  sister  of  Washington, 
228. 

Lexington,  battle  of,  170. 


324 


INDEX 


Lincoln,  General,  taken  prisoner,  | 
205. 

Lippincott,  Captain,  bangs  Ameri 
can  officer,  224. 

Little  Sarah,  the,  299. 

Livingston,  Chancellor  of  New 
York,  administers  oath  of  office 
to  Washington,  269. 

Louisbourg  taken  by  Amherst,  93. 

Lower  Brandon,  estate  of  Ben 
jamin  Harrison,  234. 

Lynch,  Mr.,  delegate  from  South 
Carolina  to  Congress  at  Phila 
delphia,  158. 

MACKAY,  Captain  of  Independent 
Company  from  South  Carolina, 
79. 

Mackenzie,  Captain,  letter  of,  to 
Washington,  162. 

Madison,  James,  leader  in  Virgini 
an  politics,  235;  appointed  dele 
gate  to  Philadelphia  conference, 
257;  part  of,  in  the  conference, 
2.59;  favors  adoption  of  Consti 
tution,  259  ;  referred  to,  274  ; 
opposes  policy  of  Treasury  De 
partment,  295;  attack  of,  on 
Hamilton, 301;  Washington  asks 
advice  of,  308. 

Magnolia,  Washington's  horse, 
mentioned,  110. 

Marshall,  John,  becomes  promi 
nent,  235. 

Maryland,  resolution  of,  to  arm 
colonists,  169 ;  takes  measures  for 
opening  the  Potomac,  246;  com 
missioners  from,  meet  at  Mount 
Vernon  concerning  Potomac, 
252 ;  action  of  Assembly  of,  re 
garding  trade,  253  ;  fails  to  send 
delegates  to  Annapolis  confer 
ence,  254. 

Mason,  George,  urges  Washington 
to  guard  his  health,  94-95;  Wash 
ington  stalking  deer  with,  110; 
conferences  of,  with  Washington 
on  state  of  colonies,  135;  draws 
up  resolution  for  House  of  Bur 
gesses,  140;  referred  to,  166,  243, 
280;  appointed  delegate  to  Phil 
adelphia  conference,  257  ;  op 
poses  Constitution,  260. 


Massachusetts,  independence  of 
men  of,  117;  resents  direct  taxa 
tion,  119;  refuses  standing  grunt 
to  governor,  119;  summons  col 
onies  to  send  delegates  to  New 
York,  134;  attitude  of  colonies 
to  wards,154-155;  delegates  from, 
at  Congress, accused  of  rebellion, 
161-162;  proclaimed  in  rebel 
lion,  167-168  ;  provincial  con 
gress  formed  in,  and  votes  to 
equip  militia  of,  168;  fails  to 
send  delegates  to  Annapolis  con 
ference,  254  ;  rebellion  in,  256; 
struggle  in,  over  Constitution, 
260. 

Mercer,  Colonel,  engages  Wash 
ington  by  mistake,  94  ;  Fort 
Pitt  left  in  charge  of,  102. 

Mifflin,  Thomas,  member  of  Con 
gress  at  Philadelphia,  157. 

Mississippi,  early  power  of  the 
French  on  the,  23;  closed  to 
commerce  by  the  Spanish,  245; 
opening  of,  306. 

Monckton,  Colonel,  directed  to 
attack  Beauseiour  in  Acadia, 
84. 

Monmouth  Court  House,  battle  of, 
202. 

Monroe,  James,  becomes  promi 
nent,  235. 

Montgomery,  General,  captures 
Montreal,  183;  death  of,  183, 
215. 

Montreal  captured  by  Montgom 
ery,  183. 

Morgan,  General,  198  ;  harasses 
Cornwallis  in  North  Carolina, 
208. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  292. 

Morris,  Robert  Hunter,  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,  consults  with 
Braddock  at  Alexandria,  83. 

Morristown  Heights,  withdrawal 
of  Washington  to,  193. 

Mount  Vernon,  named  after  Ad 
miral  Vernon,  48  ;  Washington 
as  a  boy  at,  51-53,  56;  Washing 
ton  visits,  before  Yorktown,  224; 
Washington  returns  to,  after  the 
war,  228;  left  in  charge  of  Lund 
Washington,  233;  many  visitors 


INDEX 


325 


at,  237,  243;  Washington's  cor 
respondence  at,  250;  meeting  of 
Potomac  commissioners  at,  252  ; 
Washington  leaves,  to  take  presi 
dency,  265;  retires  to  private 
life  at,  309. 

Moustier,  Count  de,  French  minis 
ter  to  the  United  States,  pre 
sumption  of,  276. 

Murray,  John,  Earl  Dunmore.  See 
Dunmore. 

NATIONAL  Bank,  foundation  of, 
293. 

Navigation  Acts,  policy  of  the, 
towards  the  colonies,  20  ;  eva 
sion  of  the,21 ;  irritation  wrought 
by  the,  22;  advantages  gained  to 
the  colonies  by  the,  22. 

Nelson,  Washington's  horse,  241. 

Nelson,  William,  president  of  Vir 
ginia  Council,  145. 

New  Brunswick.  British  stores  at, 
193. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  aroused  on 
the  French  war,  80. 

New  England,  peculiar  character 
of  population  in,  9-10;  persistent 
character  of,  amidst  change,  10  ; 
modification  of,  10-11  ;  a  body 
of  churches,  11;  population  and 
condition  of,  at  end  of  seven 
teenth  century,  11-12  ;  separate 
life  of,  11-12  ;  difference  be 
tween,  and  Virginia  accentuated 
under  the  Commonwealth,  13 ; 
emigration  of  congregations 
from,  into  New  Jersey,  19;  astir 
in  the  French  war,  84. 

New  Hampshire,  fails  to  send  del 
egates  to  Annapolis  conference, 
254;  rebellion  in,  256. 

New  Jersey,  establishment  of,  18  ; 
emigration  of  New  England  con 
gregations  to,  19  ;  sends  dele 
gates  to  Annapolis  conference, 
254. 

New  Orleans,  growing  French 
village  at,  60 ;  Genet's  plans 
against,  298. 

Newport,  D'Estaing  sails  against, 
204  ;  Rochambeau  lands  at,  206. 

New  Providence,  in  the  Bahamas, 


headquarters  of  colonial  pirates, 
22. 

New  York,  establishment  of  colo 
ny  of,  17;  early  preponderance 
of  the  Dutch  in,  18  ;  a  rival  of 
the  French  in  the  fur  trade,  24  ; 
Assembly  of,  questions  English 
claim  to  the  Ohio,  70;  Indepen 
dent  Company  from,  fails  to 
join  Washington  against  the 
French,  76  ;  Independent  Com 
panies  from,  under  Innes  at 
Will's  Creek,  78;  astir  in  the 
French  war,  84 ;  Independent 
Companies  from,  with  Brad- 
dock,  85  ;  legislative  powers  of 
Colonial  Assembly  of,  suspend 
ed,  139  ;  majority  in,  opposed 
to  revolution,  163  ;  opposes  mo 
tion  for  declaration  of  inde 
pendence,  187  ;  delegates  from, 
to  Annapolis  conference,  254; 
struggle  in,  over  Constitution, 
260/ 

New  York  City,  cosmopolitan 
character  of  colonial,  19  ;  a  cen 
tre  for  pirates,  21;  delegates  of 
colonies  assemble  in,  134;  Wash 
ington's  plans  for  defence  of, 
186  ;  British  arrive  before,  188  ; 
withdrawal  of  Washington  from, 
190  ;  Clinton  retreats  to,  203  ; 
D'Estaing's  fleet  appears  off, 
203  ;  Washington's  welcorrie  in, 
as  President,  268  ;  Washing 
ton  takes  oath  of  office  in, 
269. 

Niagara,  a  French  post  at,  61  ; 
Governor  Shirley  to  lead  attack 
upon,  84 ;  failure  of  Shirley's 
expedition  against,  90. 

Nicholas,  Robert  Carter,  member 
of  House  of  Burgesses,  referred 
to  in  connection  with  debate 
of  Stamp  Act,  131  ;  opposes 
Henry  in  convention,  170. 

Nicola,  Colonel  Lewis,  proposal 
of,  to  make  Washington  king, 
219-220. 

Norfolk,  Virginia,  burned  by  Dun- 
more,  187. 

North,  Lord,  Prime-Minister,  re 
peals  taxes,  144. 


326 


INDEX 


North  Carolina,  establishment  of, 
18 ;  characterization  of,  by  Colo 
nel  Byrd,  34,  38  ;  sends  militia 
men  to  assist  Washington  against 
the  French,  76 ;  prevented  by 
governor  from  sending  dele- 

fates  to  "congress"  in  New 
ork,  134;  riots  in,  145;  delegates 
of,  authorized  to  join  in  declara 
tion  of  independence,  187  ;  up 
rising  of,  208;  refusal  of,  to  yield 
western  land  claims.  246  ;  fails  to 
send  delegates  to  Annapolis  con 
ference,  254. 

"Northern  Neck"  of  Virginia, 
settlement  of,  15-16  ;  division 
of,  into  counties,  16  ;  a  natural 
seat  of  commerce,  16  ;  immigra 
tion  of  the  Washingtons  into, 
16;  intimate  intercourse  of,  with 
England,  30  ;  of  a  piece  with  the 
rest  of  Virginia,  39  ;  property  of 
Augustine  Washington  in,  45  ; 
estates  of  Lord  Fairfax  in,  49. 

OHIO,  determination  of  Duquesne 
to  occupy  upper  waters  of,  60- 
61 ;  first  movement  of  the  French 
towards  the,  62;  Dinwiddie  de 
termines  to  send  militia  to  the, 
69;  Washington's  journal  to  the, 
printed,  70  ;  fort  begun  at  the 
forks  of  the,  by  the  English,  71; 
the  fort  seized  by  the  French, 
71;  French  build  Fort  Duquesne 
on  the,  73. 

Ohio  (Company,  formation  of,  61  ; 
establishment  of  posts  by,  in  the 
west,  62;  Governor  Dinwiddie 
member  of,  62,  64 ;  Thomas  Lee, 
president  of  the,  64  ;  Lawrence 
Washington  president  of  the, 
64  ;  interested  in  Virginia  route 
to  Duquesne,  85  ;  plans  of,  for 
opening  the  upper  Potomac, 
246. 

Orme,  Captain,  invites  Washing 
ton  to  Braddock's  staff,  83. 

Oswego,  English  military  post  at, 
61  ;  westward  expedition  of  the 
French  observed  from,  62;  taken 
by  the  French,  90. 

Otis,  James,  Advocate-General  in 


Court  of  Admiralty,  warns  min 
isters  against  enforcing  search- 
warrants,  123  ;  criticised  for 
boldness,  163. 

PAINE,  Robert  Treat,  represents 
Massachusetts  in  Congress  at 
Philadelphia,  154. 

Parliament  renounces  right  to  tax 
colonies,  201. 

Pendleton,  Edmund,  member  of 
House  of  Burgesses,  referred  to 
in  connection  with  debate  of 
Stamp  Act,  131;  character  of, 
131  ;  referred  to,  135  ;  chosen 
delegate  to  Congress  at  Phila 
delphia,  148-149  ;  vote  received 
by,  as  delegate  to  Congress,  161; 
opposes  Henry  in  convention, 
170  ;  referred  to,  172  ;  president 
of  Committee  of  Safety,  187; 
becomes  judge,  234. 

Penn,  Thomas,  comment  of,  on 
Washington's  resignation  from 
militia,  80. 

Pennsylvania,  establishment  of 
colony  of,  17  ;  mixed  population 
of,  18  ;  immigration  of  Scots- 
Irish  into,  19  ;  westward  move 
ment  of  settlers  from,  60-61; 
Assembly  of,  refuses  to  act 
against  the  French,  63  ;  Assem 
bly  of,  doubts  English  claim  to 
the  Ohio,  70  ;  votes  money  to 
be  used  against  the  French,  76; 
advantages  of  route  through,  to 
Duquesne,  85  ;  majority  in,  op 
posed  to  revolution,  163  ;  dele 
gation  from,  led  by  Joseph 
Galloway,  164  ;  delegates  from, 
to  Annapolis  conference,  254  ; 
Whiskey  Rebellion  in,  303. 

Philadelphia,  creation  of,  17  ;  cos 
mopolitan  character  of  colonial, 
19  ;  Congress  at,  149,  171  ;  en 
tered  by  Howe,  197  ;  British 
leave,  202. 

Phillipse,  Mary,  interests  Wash 
ington,  93,  101,  174. 

Pinckney,  Thomas,  treaty  of,  with 
Spain,  306. 

Piracy  in  the  colonies,  21-22  ;  sup 
pression  of,  22. 


INDEX 


327 


Pitt.  William,  becomes  Prime- 
Minister  and  ends  the  French 
war,  93  ff. 

Planters,  in  colonial  Virginia, 
mode  of  life  of,  6,  28-29  ;  pro 
portion  of,  in  colonial  Virginia, 
7  ;  social  position  of,  8-9. 

Poles  volunteer  for  service  in 
America,  200. 

Potomac,  Washington  surveying 
on  the,  55 ;  importance  of,  to 
commerce,  246  ;  Washington's 
plans  concerning,  246 ;  confer 
ence  of  commissioners  concern 
ing,  at  Mount  Vernon,  252. 

Potomac  Company,  Washington 
chosen  president  of,  251. 

Presque  Isle,  French  establish 
themselves  at,  62. 

Princeton,  Washington  retreats  to, 
191 ;  battle  of,  193. 

Principio  Iron  Company,  interest 
of  Angustine  Washington  in, 
45 ;  Colonel  Byrd  on  the  man 
agement  of,  45. 

Privateering  in  the  colonies,  21. 

Puritan  Commonwealth  in  Eng 
land  the  government  of  a  mi 
nority,  10. 

Puritans,  unlike  other  English 
men,  9  ;  of  the  minority  in  Eng 
land,  10;  ascendency  of,  in  New 
England,  10. 

QUAKERS  of  Pennsylvania  op 
pose  war  with  French,  63. 

Quebec,  Wolfe  takes  command  of 
expedition  against,  93  ;  taken, 
95 ;  attempt  of  Arnold  to  capt 
ure,  183. 

RAUL,  Colonel,  mortally  wound 
ed,  192. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  becomes 
prominent,  235  ;  appointed  dele 
gate  to  conference  at  Philadel 
phia,  257  ;  part  of,  in  the  con 
ference,  259  ;  appointed  Attor 
ney-General,  278  ;  Washington's 
reasons  for  choice  of,  280  ;  op 
position  of,  to  National  Bank, 
293. 

Randolph,    Peyton,    member    of 


House  of  Burgesses,  referred  to 
in  connection  with  debate  of 
Stamp  Act,  131;  previous  life  of, 
132;  referred  to,  135;  chosen  dele 
gate  to  Congress  at  Philadelphia, 
148-149  ;  chosen  president  of 
Congress  at  Philadelphia,  159  ; 
votes  received  by,  as  delegate  to 
Congress,  160  ;  referred  to,  172  ; 
death  of,  234. 

Rangers,  Virginian,  added  to  Brad- 
dock's  forces,  82  ;  behavior  of, 
in  Braddock's  defeat,  87,  88,  89; 
Brad  dock  praises,  89. 

"Red  Sea  trade,"  the,  21-22. 

Redstone  Creek,  Ohio  Company 
establishes  post  on,  62. 

Reed,  Joseph,  comment  of,  on 
Virginia  delegates,  172. 

Restoration,  effect  of,  upon  colonial 
settlement,  17. 

Revolution,  first  battle  of,  170; 
goes  against  British,  203  ;  ^oes 
against  Americans,  205  ;  favors 
Americans  in  the  South,  208  ; 
close  of,  209  ;  effect  of,  on  Wash 
ington,  216. 

Rhode  Island,  Puritan  though 
various,  11  ;  fails  to  send  dele 
gates  to  Annapolis  conference, 
254;  in  sympathy  with  Shays, 
256. 

Richmond,  Virginia  convention 
meets  in,  169. 

Robin,  Abbe.  215,  221. 

Robinson,  Beverly,  entertains 
Washington  in  New  York,  93. 

Robinson,  Speaker  of  House  and 
Treasurer  of  Virginia,  thanks 
Washington  for  services,  103  ; 
death  of,  referred  to,  113. 

Rochambeau,  Count,  lands  men 
at  Newport,  206  ;  assists  Wash 
ington's  plans,  208,  228. 

Rocldngham,  Lord,  referred  to, 
135;  "declaratory  act"  under 
ministry  of,  138. 

Rutledge,  Edward,  supports  prop 
osition  of  Galloway  in  Con 
gress,  164 ;  Washington's  appeal 
to,  272. 

Rutledge,  John,  appointed  to  Su 
preme  Court,  281. 


328 


INDEX 


ST.  CLAIR,  Sir  John,  Washington 
at  Williamsburg  by  order  of, 
100. 

St.  Lawrence,  power  of  the  French 
on  the,  28. 

St.  Leger,  General,  plans  of,  194  ; 
failure  of,  195. 

San  Lazaro,  Fort,  storming  of,  48. 

Saratoga,  battle  of,  195. 

Savannah  taken  by  British,  204 

Schuyler,  General,  driven  from 
Ticonderoga,  195 ;  mentioned, 
198. 

Scots -Irish,  in  Virginia  and  the 
middle  colonies,  19;  settlement 
of,  in  Slienandoah  Valley,  61; 
harassed  by  Indians  on  Virgini 
an  frontier,  91. 

Search-warrants  issued  by  Board 
of  Trade,  122. 

Servants,  hired,  in  colonial  Vir 
ginia,  7. 

Settlers  harassed  by  Indians  on 
Virginian  frontier,  91-92. 

Sharpe,  Horatio,  Governor  of  Ma 
ryland,  consults  with  Braddock 
at  Alexandria,  83. 

Shays  leads  rebellion  in  Massa 
chusetts,  256. 

Shenandoah,  Washington  survey 
ing  on  the,  55  ;  first  movement 
of  settlers  into  valley  of,  61. 

Shippen,  Dr.,  interview  of,  with 
Massachusetts  delegates,  161- 
162. 

Shirley,  William,  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  consults  with 
Braddock  at,  Alexandria,  83;  to 
lead  attack  on  Niagara,  84  ;  fails 
in  attack,  90;  Washington's 
visit  to,  in  1756,  92,  93, 174. 

Slaves,  proportion  of,  in  colonial 
Virginia,  7. 

Smuggling,  in  the  colonies,  21  ; 
common  practice  of,  121. 

Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  Wash 
ington  declines  to  meet,  257. 

"Sons  of  Liberty,"  175. 

South  Carolina,  establishment  of, 
18  ;  Independent  Company 
from,  at  Great  Meadows,  73  ; 
provincials  from,  under  Innes  at, 
Will's  Creek,  78  ;  majority  in, 


opposed  to  revolution,  163;  in 
power  of  British,  205  ;  fails  to 
send  delegates  to  Annapolis 
conference,  254. 

Spain,  alliance  of,  with  France  and 
America,  204  ;  invasion  of  Eng 
land  attempted  by.  204  ;  closes 
Mississippi  River  to  commerce, 
245,  247,  249  ;  treaty  with,  ob 
tained  by  Pinckney,  306. 

Spectator,  the,  Lord  Fairfax  a  con 
tributor  to,  49-50;  Washington's 
acquaintance  with,  56. 

Spotswood,  Alexander,  character 
of,  and  career  in  Virginia,  37- 
38  ;  judgment  of  Virginians  by, 
38  ;  on  the  education  of  Bur 
gesses,  38 ;  referred  to,  119. 

Stamp  Act,  proposed  by  Grenville, 
123 ;  passage  of,  124  ;  protest 
against,  by  House  of  Burgesses, 
124;  Henry's  leadership  in  de 
bate  of,  128-129  ;  repeal  of,  135. 

Steuben,  Baron  von,  joins  Wash 
ington  at  Valley  Forge,  200  ; 
harasses  Cornwallis  in  North 
Carolina,  208. 

Stith,  Rev.  William,  character  and 
writings  of,  35-36. 

Sullivan,  General,  192. 

Swedes  on  the  Delaware,  18. 

TAXATION,  Virginian  Burgesses 
regard  Dinwiddie's  land  fee  as, 
69  ;  of  colonies,  best  imposed  by 
Parliament,  118  ;  imposed  on 
wines  and  sugars,  1764,  119  ;  di 
rect,  of  colonies,  favored  by 
George  Grenville,  119;  disregard 
of,  by  officials  and  traders,  120  ; 
ministry  willing  to  remit.  167. 

Thomson,  Charles,  clerk  of  Con 
gress,  notifies  Washington  of 
his  election,  265. 

Ticonderoga,  Allen  takes  posses 
sion  of,  171  ;  captured  by  Bur- 
goyne,  195. 

Townshend,  Charles,  referred  to, 
139. 

Trade,  Ohio  Company  and  the 
western,  61-62  ;  Acts  of,  121. 

Trenton  captured  by  Washington, 
192. 


INDEX 


329 


Trnmbull,  Governor,  referred  to, 
189. 

Trumbull,  Jonathan,  Jr.,  Wash 
ington's  letter  to,  244. 

Truro,  parish  of,  represented  by 
Augustine  Washington,  46. 

Tryon,  Governor  of  North  Caro 
lina,  145. 

VALIANT,  Washington's  horse, 
mentioned,  110. 

Valley  Forge,  Washington  win 
ters  at,  197,  199;  Mrs.  Washing 
ton's  visit  to,  199. 

Vanbraam,  Jacob,  fencing-master 
at  Mount  Vernon,  goes  with 
Washington  to  warn  the  French, 
64. 

Vergennes,  intercession  of,  in  be 
half  of  Captain  Asgill,  225. 

Vermont,  rebellion  in,  256. 

Vernon,  Admiral,  at  Cartagena, 
47-48. 

VilHers,  Coulon  de,  attacks  Wash 
ington  at  Great  Meadows,  74-75. 

Virginia,  general  English  charac 
ter  of  colonial,  5  ;  fixed  nature 
of  society  in,  5-6  ;  lack  of  towns 
in,  6 ;  independent  plantation 
life  in,  6-7,  28-29;  classes  of 
population  in,  7;  proportion  of 
slaves  in,  7  ;  democratic  spirit 
in,  8;  position  of  Church  in,  8  ; 
position  of  Established  Church 
in,  8;  contrasted  with  New  Eng 
land,  9;  temper  of,  at  establish 
ment  of  the  Commonwealth,  13; 
change  in  population  of,  during 
Commonwealth,  13-14 ;  emigra 
tion  of  John  and  Lawrence 
Washington  to,  14  ;  French  Hu 
guenots  and  Germans  in,  18 ; 
meets  the  French  in  western  fur 
trade,  24 ;  character  and  habits 
of  society  in,  28  ff. ;  individu 
ality  of  men  in,  28-29  ;  educa 
tion  and  study  in,  29-30  ;  char 
acter  of  literary  work  in,  30-31; 
travel  in,  38;  culture  mixed  with 
rough  life  in,  39;  obliged  to  act 
alone  against  the  French,  63  ; 
English  regiments  for  French 
war  arrive  in,  81;  route  through, 


to  Duquesne  chosen  by  Brad- 
dock,  85  ;  forces  of,  with  Brad- 
dock,  85 ;  resents  direct  taxation, 
119;  loyalty  of  colonists  to,  130; 
prevented  by  governor  from 
sending  delegates  to  "congress" 
in  New  York.  134;  passes  bill  of 
rights,  134;  leadership  of  dele 
gates  from,  in  Congress  at  Phil 
adelphia,  158-159  ;  colonists  of, 
armed,  168;  convention  of,  meets 
at  Richmond,  169  ;  changes  in, 
during  the  war,  234;  yields  west 
ern  land  claims,  246;  commis 
sioners  from,  meet  at  Mount 
Vernon  concerning  the  Potomac, 
252  ;  calls  general  conference  at 
Annapolis,  254;  delegates  from, 
to  Annapolis  conference,  254 ; 
final  adoption  of  national  Con 
stitution  by,  260-261. 

WALPOLE,  Horace,  calls  Washing 
ton  a  "  brave  braggart,"  78,  80, 
206. 

Wai  pole,  Sir  Robert,  answer  of, 
to  Keith,  118. 

Washington,  Augustine,  father  of 
George,  40  ;  character  and  occu 
pations  of,  45-46  ;  a  represent 
ative  in  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
46;  death  and  will  of,  46;  court 
ship  and  marriage  of,  47. 

Washington,  Augustine  (half- 
brother  of  George),  estate  and 
education  of,  46  ;  George  with, 
at  Bridges'  Creek,  51;  member 
of  Ohio  Company,  61. 

Washington,  George,  breeding  of, 
epitomized,  3;  birth  of,  40;  birth 
place  of,  41;  age  of,  at  his  fa 
ther's  death,  46  ;  interest  of,  in 
his  father's  estate,  46;  under  his 
mother's  care,  47  ;  as  a  boy  at 
Mount  Vernon  and  Belvoir,  50- 
51,  52-53,  56;  comradeships  of, 
as  a  boy.  at  Belvoir  and  Mount 
Vernon, 50-53, 56  ;  keptat  school 
till  sixteen.  51  ;  at  Bridges'  Creek 
with  his  brother  Augustine,  51; 
kept  from  going  to  sea,  51;  boy 
ish  relish  of,  for  practical  effi 
ciency,  51-52;  quits  school,  52; 


330 


INDEX 


intimacy  of,  with  Lord  Fairfax, 
53-56;  surveyor  for  Lord  Fair 
fax,  53-56;  letter  of,  on  sur 
veying  experiences,  55 ;  boy 
ish  reading  of,  56  ;  official  ap 
pointment  of,  as  surveyor,  56 ; 
studies  tactics  and  the  broad 
sword  at  Mount  Veruon,  56;  be 
comes  known  throughout  the 
Northern  Neck,  57;  goes  to  the 
Bahamas  with  Lawrence,  57; 
made  Lawrence's  executor,  57- 
58  ;  contracts  the  small-pox  in 
the  Bahamas,  58  ;  takes  Law 
rence's  place  in  the  militia,  58 ; 
put  in  charge  of  a  military  dis 
trict,  58;  contingent  interest  in 
Mount  Vernon,  58;  sent  by  Din- 
widdie  to  warn  the  French  from 
the  Ohio,  64-66;  difficulties  of 
the  journey,  65-66  ;  endeavors 
to  attach  Indians  to  the  English, 
66;  appointed  by  Dinwiddie  to 
command  militia  sent  to  the 
Ohio,  69;  journal  of,  to  the  Ohio 
printed,  70;  recruiting  at  Alex 
andria,  71 ;  commissioned  lieu 
tenant-colonel  under  Joshua 
Fry,  72  ;  sent  forward  to  cut  a 
road  to  the  Ohio,  72;  establishes 
camp  at  Great  Meadows,  73; 
trouble  of,  with  Independent 
Company  at  Great  Meadows,  73 ; 
succeeds  Colonel  Fry  in  com 
mand,  73;  spills  first  blood  of  the 
Frencli  war,  73-74;  attacked 
by  Villiers  at  Great  Meadows, 
74-75 ;  capitulates  and  retreats, 
76;  thanked  by  the  House  of 
Burgesses,  77;  letters  of,  on  man 
agement  of  expedition  to  Ohio, 
77  ;  likes  the  sound  of  bullets, 
77  ;  laughed  at  by  Horace  Wai- 
pole,  78;  rejoins  regiment  at 
Alexandria,  '78 ;  resigns  com 
mand,  79  ;  Thomas  Penn's  com 
ment  upon  resignation  of,  80  ; 
visits  Braddock's  regiment  at 
Alexandria,  82;  accepts  place  on 
Braddock's  staff,  83  ;  disputes 
of,  with  Braddock  during  ad 
vance  on  Duquesne,  86;  advises 
division  of  Braddock's  force, 


86;  in  Braddock's  defeat,  87-89  ; 
ill  just  before  the  battle,  88;  di 
rects  retreat  alone,  89;  distress  of, 
at  sufferings  of  frontier  settlers, 
91 ;  thanked  by  the  Burgesses  for 
his  services  under  Braddock,  91; 
keeps  the  frontier  against  the 
Indians,  91  -  92;  cheered  by 
Colonel  Fairfax,  92 ;  behavior 
of,  towards  his  comrades,  92  ; 
hangs  insubordinates,  92  ;  visits 
Governor  Shirley  on  matter  of 
rank,  92-93;  becomes  interested 
in  Mary  Phillipse  in  New  York, 
93 ;  goes  with  Forbes  against  Fort 
Duquesne,  94;  in  ill-health,  94; 
George  Mason  to,  on  need  of 
preserving  himself  for  the  coun 
try,  94-95;  meets  Martha  Cus- 
tis,  99;  becomes  engaged  to  Mrs. 
Custis,  101;  early  love  affairs  of, 
101 ;  marriage  of,  102  ;  stay  of, 
at  the  White  House,  102;  takes 
wife  to  Williamsburg,  102; 
chosen  member  of  House  of  Bur 
gesses,  103  ;  embarrassed  on  en 
tering  House  of  Burgesses,  103; 
publicly  thanked  for  services, 
103;  management  of  estates  by, 
104;  home  life  of,  104-112,  251; 
business  ability  of,  105-106;  at 
titude  of,  towards  drinking,  108- 

109  ;   election  expenses  of,  109; 
fondness   of,  for   hunting,  109- 

110  ;  getting  estates  into  condi 
tion,  110;  pleasure  outings  of, 
111;  taste  of,  in  clothes,  111;  de 
sire  of,  to  go  to  England,  112; 
comparison  of,  with  Henry,  127; 
attitude  of,  towards  debate  on 
Stamp  Act,  133;  views  of,  on 
enforcement  of  Stamp  Act,  134  ; 
confers  with  Mason  on  state  of 
colonies,  135;  relations  of,  with 
Fauquier.  136;  letter  of,  to  Ma 
son  on  actions  of  Parliament, 
140  ;  presents  Mason's  resolution 
to  House  of  Burgesses,  140-141; 
encourages  observance  of  impor 
tation  resolution,  142;  buys  new 
"chariot,"  142;  pre-empts  lands 
in  the  west,  142;  employments 
of,  142-143;  gives  ball  at  Alex- 


INDEX 


331 


andria,  143;  attends  horse-races 
in  Philadelphia,  143  ;  secures 
western  laud  for  comrades  in 
French  war,  143  - 144  ;  places 
"Jackie"  Custis  in  King's  Col 
lege,  New  York,  147 ;  letter  to 
Colonel  Bassett,  147  ;  chosen 
delegate  to  Congress  at  Phila 
delphia,  148-149;  not  a  leader 
in  Congress  at  Philadelphia, 
359-160  ;  criticism  of,  of  Gage's 
conduct,  160;  reported  saying 
of,  160;  votes  received  by,  as 
delegate  to  Congress,  161;  in 
terview  of.  with  Massachusetts 
delegates,  161-162;  foresees  out 
come  of  Congress's  actions,  165- 
166;  business  affairs  of,  166-167, 
assumes  command  of  Virginia 
companies,  169;  attends  second 
Continental  Congress,  171 ;  ac 
cepts  commnnd  of  arm}''  at  Bos 
ton,  174,  214;  reverence  of  peo 
ple  for,  174;  reaches  Cambridge, 
180;  assumes  command  of  army, 
180  ;  correspondence  of,  from 
headquarters,  181  ;  privateers 
equipped  by  orders  of,  182;  oc 
cupies  Dorchester  Heights,  184; 
enters  Boston,  185  ;  transfers  de- 
fence  to  New  York,  186  ;  favors 
motion  for  declaration  of  inde 
pendence,  188;  evacuates  Brook 
lyn  Heights,  190  ;  withdrawal  of, 
from  New  York  City,  190;  re 
treat  of,  through  New  Jersey, 
191;  crosses  the  Delaware,  191; 
forces  recruited  by,  192  ;  capt 
ures  Trenton,  192;  defeats  Brit 
ish  at  Princeton,  193 ;  with 
draws  to  Morristown,  193;  proc 
lamation  of,  193;  fortune  of, 
pledged  for  payment  of  troops, 
194;  causes  Howe  to  retreat  to 
New  York,  196;  defeat  of,  at  the 
Brandy  wine,  196;  attacks  Howe 
at  Germantown,,197;  winters  at 
Valley  Forge,  197;  plots  against, 

198  ;  trials  of,  at  Valley  Forge, 

199  ;   joined  by  Steuben,   200  ; 
attacks   Clinton    at  Monmouth 
Court  House,  202  ;  wrath  of,  at 
Lee's  cowardice,  202 ;  grief  of, 


at  Arnold's  treason,  207  ;  takes 
Corn  wall  is  at  Yorktown,  209  ; 
courage  of,  215  ;  effect  of  the 
war  on,  216 ;  reserve  of,  in  dis 
charge  of  duty,  218  ;  advises 
with  Congress,  219;  rejoins  army 
at  Newburgh,  219;  indignation 
of,  at  Colonel  Nicola's  proposal, 
220  ;  efforts  of,  in  behalf  of  the 
army,  221 ;  loses  popularity  with 
the  army,  222  ;  treatment  of  mu 
tinous  officers  by,  222-223;  long 
ing  of,  for  home,  223;  sternness 
of,  224;  reply  of,  to  Vergennes 
concerning  Captain  Asgill,  225; 
gratification  of,  at  release  of 
Captain  Asgill,  225;  farewell  of, 
to  officers,  226  ;  speech  of,  on  re 
signing  commission  at  Annap 
olis,  226-227;  prayer  of,  before 
battle,  227 ;  returns  to  Mount 
Vernon,  228  ;  simplicity  of,  228  ; 
attends  ball  with  his"  mother, 
228 ;  deference  of,  to  his  mother, 
229  ;  rebukes  his  nephew,  233  ; 
welcome  of,  on  return  to  Vir 
ginia,  235;  privacy  of,  at  Mount 
Vernon,  237;  letter  of,  to  La 
fayette,  237;  interruptions  of,  at 
Mount  Vernon,  238 ;  as  a  host. 
238  ;  affection  of,  for  adopted 
children,  239;  agreement  of,  with 
gardener,  240  f  strictness  of,  in 
business  dealings,  241;  eagerness 
of  people  to  see,  241  ;  makes 
journey  to  western  lands,  242; 
cares  of,  as  statesman,  243 ;  anx 
iety  of,  for  success  of  govern 
ment,  243-244;  "political creed  " 
of,  244  ;  forebodings  of,  for  fut 
ure  of  the  West,  245;  efforts  of, 
to  open  the  Potomac,  246;  urges 
increase  of  Congress's  power, 
248;  portraits  of,  250;  makes 
tour  of  inspection  as  president 
of  Potomac  Company,  251 ;  in 
vites  commissioners  on  opening 
of  the  Potomac  to  Mount  Ver 
non,  252 ;  letter  of,  to  Henry  Lee, 
254 ;  criticises  weakness  of  Con 
gress,  256 ;  appointed  delegate 
to  Philadelphia  conference,  257; 
reluctance  of,  to  attend  confer- 


332 


INDEX 


ence  at  Philadelphia,  257  ;  op 
poses  compromise  in  conference 
at  Philadelphia,  258  ;  chosen 
president  of  conference,  258;  re 
turns  to  Mount  Vernon,  259;  in 
tense  interest  of,  in  discussions 
of  Constitution,  259;  congratu- 
lationsof.  to  Chasiellux  on  mar 
riage,  260 ;  reluctance  of,  to  ac 
cept  presidency,  261  ;  accepts 
presidency,  262 ;  bids  farewell 
to  his  mother,  265;  leaves  Mount 
Vernon,  265;  feelings  of,  on  leav 
ing  home,  266;  financial  troubles 
of,  267;  journey  of, to  New  York, 
267;  present  journey  contrasted 
with  former  ones,  267:  welcome 
of,  in  New  York,  268;  takes  oath 
of  office,  269;  emotion  of,  during 
inaugural  address,  270-271;  in 
experience  of,  in  administration, 
272-273;  fitness  of,  for  office, 
273  ;  dignity  of,  in  office,  274- 
276  ;  illness  of,  277 ;  familiarity 
of,  with  affairs  of  government, 
278;  choice  of  cabinet  by,  278; 
care  of,  in  federal  appointments, 
281 ;  makes  tour  of  eastern  states, 
281  -  282  ;  sympathy  of,  with 
Hamilton's  policy,  284;  attitude 
of,  towards  French  Revolution, 
290-291,  292,  296;  object  in  na 
tional  policy  of,  291 ;  sanctions 
National  Bank,  294  ;  frontier 
policy  of,  295  ;  neutrality  of,  be 
tween  France  and  England,  297; 
frustrates  plans  of  Genet,  298 ; 
demands  recall  of  Genet,  300  ; 
elected  to  second  term,301 ;  sends 
John  Jay  to  England,  302;  puts 
down  Whiskey  Rebellion,  303  ; 
favors  Jay's  treaty  with  Eng 
land,  305;  abuse  of,  by  the  peo 
ple,  305;  behavior  of ,  under  abuse, 
306;  wisdom  of,  recognized,  306; 
attempts  reconciliation  of  Ham 
ilton  and  Jefferson,  307;  declines 
third  term,  308;  farewell  address 
of,  308 ;  emotion  of,  on  retire 
ment  from  office,  309;  retires  to 
Mount  Vernon,  309-310;  connec 
tions  of,  with  public  life,  310; 
treatment  of  old  comrade  by, 


311  ;  gentleness  of,  with  chil 
dren,  312  ;  attends  marriage  of 
Nellie  Custis,  312 ;  sickness  and 
death  of,  313-314 

Washington,  Colonel  Henry,  holds 
Worcester  for  the  king,  14,  48- 
49. 

Washington,  John,  emigration  of, 
to  Virginia,  14-15;  ancestry  of, 
14-15  ;  settlement  of,  in  "North 
ern  Neck"  of  Virginia,  16-17  ; 
life  of,  in  Virginia,  40;  fortunes 
of  descendants  of,  40. 

Washington,  Rev.  Lawrence,  rec 
tor  of  Purleigh,  15,  41. 

Washington,  Lawrence,  emigrant 
to  Virginia,  14-15  ;  ancestry  of, 
14-15;  settlement  of,  in  "  North 
ern  Neck  "  of  Virginia,  16-17. 

Washington, Lawrence  (half-broth 
er  of  George),  estate  and  educa 
tion  of,  46  ;  service  of,  at  Carta 
gena,  47  ;  in  the  storming  of 
Fort  San  Lazaro,  48  ;  head  of 
the  family  and  adjutant  -  gen 
eral  of  the  colonial  militia,  48  ; 
marriage  of,  48-49  ;  member  of 
the  House  of  Burgesses,  50;  in 
fluence  of,  upon  George,  50-53, 
57 ;  illness  and  death  of,  57 ; 
makes  George  his  executor  and 
residuary  legatee,  57-58  ;  mem 
ber  of  Ohio  Company.  61;  presi 
dent  of  Ohio  Company,  64  ;  cor 
respondence  of,  with  Diuwiddie. 
64. 

Washington,  Lund,  181 ;  manage 
ment  of  Mount  Vernon  by,  233. 

Washington,  Martha,  outings  of, 
with  Washington,  111  ;  at  Wash 
ington's  headquarters  at  Cam 
bridge,  184;  at  Valley  Forge,  190. 

Washington,  Mary,  courtship  and 
marriage  of,  47  ;  keeps  George 
from  going  to  sea,  51  ;  attends 
ball  with  Washington,  228 ; 
Washington's  deference  to,  229  ; 
Washington  bids  farewell  to, 
265. 

Washingtons,  the,  fortunes  of,  in 
the  Northern  Neck,  39-40. 

Wentworth,  commander  of  land 
forces  at  Cartagena,  47. 


INDEX 


333 


West  Point,  Arnold  tries  to  be 
tray,  207. 

Whiskey  Rebellion  in  Pennsyl 
vania  and  Virginia,  303. 

Whitehall  Ferry,  Washington  at, 
226. 

White  House,  Washington's  stay 
at.  102. 

White  Plains,  skirmish  at,  190. 

William  and  Mary,  College  of,  30 ; 
chiefly  founded  by  James  Blair, 
36. 

Williamsburg,  Virginia's  chief 
town,  6  ;  Washington  belated 
at,  by  courting,  100 ;  Washing 
ton  and  wife  at,  102  ;  Dunmore 
lands  troops  at,  171. 

Will's  Creek,  Ohio  Company's 
post  at,  62;  Captain  Innes  builds 
Fort  Cumberland  at,  78. 


Wilson,  James,  appointed  to  Su 
preme  Court,  281. 

Winchester,  Washington  on  busi 
ness  concerning  General  Forbes 
at,  100. 

Wolfe,  General,  takes  command 
against  Quebec,  93 ;  takes  Que 
bec,  95. 

Worcester,  Colonel  Henry  Wash 
ington  at,  14,  48-49. 

Wythe,  George,  referred  to,  in 
connection  with  debate  of  Stamp 
Act,  130 ;  referred  to,  135  ;  ap 
pointed  delegate  to  Philadelphia 
conference,  257. 

YORKTOWN,  Virginia,  Cornwallis 
arrives  at, 208;  Cornwallis's  sur 
render  at,  209. 

You n ir,  Arthur,  correspondence 
of,  with  Washington,  260. 


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